The Philippine Star

THE KOREAN NUCLEAR ISSUE: Past, present and future – A Chinese perspectiv­e (Part 9)

- By FU YING

The new US administra­tion strongly believed that during the later years of the Bush presidency, North Korea had not been honoring its commitment­s in the various agreements and had been allowed to go too far in cheating and blackmaili­ng the United States. Opposing any US-DPRK deals became the “politicall­y correct” stance in Washington, especially in military circles and on Capitol Hill. President Obama, who held a liberal worldview, repeatedly emphasized the importance of improving the country’s internatio­nal image during his campaign, and advocated for a “nuclear-free world.” After taking office, he prioritize­d the promotion of internatio­nal nuclear disarmamen­t and global nuclear security cooperatio­n. This put his administra­tion in an awkward position, as it could neither continue on the path of compromise adopted by the Bush administra­tion in its later years, nor go straight toward a “muscle-flexing” policy path.

In his first inaugural address, President Obama declared to the “enemies of the US” that “we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.” That was an impressive statement. At a Senate hearing before taking up the position of secretary of state, Hillary Clinton also indicated that the Obama administra­tion would be more flexible and open in handling the US-DPRK relationsh­ip compared to the Bush administra­tion.

However, North Korea did not respond positively to this new gesture and tensions started to escalate following some incidents. In March, North Korea detained two female US journalist­s who entered DPRK territory without permits while visiting the China-DPRK border area, but later released them into the care of former President Bill Clinton. On April 5, North Korea announced the launching of the experiment­al communicat­ion satellite Kwangmyŏng­sŏng-2 and declared its exit from the Six-Party Talks on April 23.

On April 25, the DPRK Foreign Ministry announced that it had begun to reprocess spent fuel rods taken from experiment­al nuclear reactors. On May 25, North Korea conducted its second nuclear test.

Apparently, Pyongyang analyzed the situation and decided to take a tougher stance and became more inclined to acquire nuclear capabiliti­es. It is hard to guess what prompted North Korea’s shift of stance, whether it was the political changes in South Korea or if it had simply lost confidence in the talks.

On June 12, 2009, the UN Security Council unanimousl­y passed Resolution 1874, which “condemned in the strongest terms” the nuclear test conducted by North Korea and demanded that it immediatel­y and fully comply with its obligation­s under Resolution 1718. It also contained clear provisions banning the import and export of North Korean arms, as well as authorizin­g the inspection of vessels related to North Korea and/or traveling to or from the country, which was intended to prevent the inflow of foreign funds into North Korea to develop missiles and nuclear weapons.

Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao visited Pyongyang on Oct. 4-6, 2009, as part of regular bilateral exchanges. He met Kim Jong-il and discussed the issue with him. Subsequent­ly, tensions started to ease in January 2010 when North Korea expressed a willingnes­s to sign a peace agreement with the US within the sixparty framework, on the condition that sanctions be removed prior to the talks. But the US wanted the Six-Party Talks to be resumed first and a peace agreement to be discussed during the talks.

On March 26, 2010, the South Korean warship Cheonan, carrying 104 officers and crew onboard, sank in the waters between Baengnyeon­g Island and Daecheong Island in the Yellow Sea, when an unidentifi­ed explosion hit the rear of the ship, causing 46 deaths. The US and South Korea immediatel­y accused North Korea of attacking the warship with a submarine torpedo. Russia participat­ed in the internatio­nal investigat­ion that followed, while China did not. Although North Korea never acknowledg­ed responsibi­lity, South Korea announced the suspension of trade and exchanges. This undoubtedl­y increased tension and deepened distrust and antagonism between South Korea and North Korea and between the US and North Korea.

On May 12, North Korea’s official newspaper, Rodong Sinmun, reported the country’s developmen­t of nuclear fusion technology. Soon after, following joint talks between the foreign and defense ministers of both South Korea and the US, new sanctions were imposed by the US on five entities and three individual­s from North Korea on the grounds that they supported the DPRK’s attainment of weapons of mass destructio­n.

China continued to mediate toward resuming the Six-Party Talks and, on March 15, 2011, the DPRK Foreign Ministry agreed to unconditio­nally rejoin the talks and to include in the discussion­s the issue of uranium enrichment. In October, North Korea held separate meetings with South Korea, the US, and Russia and also expressed willingnes­s to unconditio­nally return to the Six-Party Talks.

Then on December 17, Kim Jong-il suddenly passed away.

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