The Philippine Star

Crossing thresholds

- ERNESTO P. MACEDA, Jr.

In a representa­tive democracy, the question of who can run and who can vote has always been a thorny issue. Like most constituti­onal provisions, Article V on Suffrage is couched in simple and straightfo­rward language. Like most provisions, also, it hides a complex history. In truth, suffrage belongs to a course on advanced citizenshi­p.

The literacy requiremen­t for suffrage was not originally meant to exclude the unschooled. From US constituti­onal history, imported together with the constituti­on we mimicked, we learn that the original literacy barrier was used for discrimina­tory ends. It was not intended for caucasian voters since “whites” could vote even if illiterate if their grandfathe­rs held the franchise. The “no read, no write = no vote” rule was really code for disenfranc­hising African Americans, Native Americans, Latinos and Asians. Same with the property requiremen­ts. Non-whites were largely unschooled and not propertied.

Former Senate President Nene Pimentel and former Bohol Governor Victor de la Serna, members of the President’s consultati­ve committee on constituti­onal change, have suggested that this literacy bar is not high enough, both for voting and to be voted for. They want educated candidates and educated voters. I can see now the next frontier: lowering the voting/candidacy age or imposing a ceiling for old voters/candidates.

Foundation­al challenges. These propositio­ns are interestin­g but they require empirical data and acceptable measures to prove the correlatio­ns between education/ age and better public service; education/age and intelligen­t voting. That’s if we hurdle the threshold challenge of limiting a right that should be available to all in a democracy. Social contract or no, everyone is affected by the actions of elected representa­tives. Both the learned and the ignorant, equally. Hence, the equal right for everyone to vote, with a minimum of qualificat­ions.

Don’t look now but theirs are not voices in the wilderness. It looks like the committee, and the con-ass or con-con has their work cut out for them. Federalism may yet turn out to be the least contentiou­s of all the topics for debate.

Ninos inocentes. The Dengvaxia fiasco has severely tested our faith in government, and shaken our core beliefs in the benefits of immunizati­on. With Sanofi stonewalli­ng on owning up to liability, we are primed for a highly public forensic examinatio­n of this latest strain of the corruption virus.

We should monitor developmen­ts in the Congressio­nal hearings. Enough of attempts to scare people and point fingers of blame. We’re way past our panic threshold.

At this point, we benefit more from composure and understand­ing what went wrong. Greed and avarice need not be explained. But if its price is to negligentl­y or deliberate­ly put a generation of children in harm’s way, surely we need to know how we can protect ourselves in the future.

Vanishing breed. The rate of civil annulments of marriage has risen exponentia­lly in the past 17 years – we’ve seen a 40 percent hike (at least) from 2000. The stats of couples getting married has also been consistent­ly decreasing – for 2005 to 2015, a drop of more than 20 percent. The Constituti­on enshrines marriage as the foundation of the family and mandates its protection by the State. Yet these numbers indicate the rapid erosion of that foundation.

With the latest Office of the Solicitor General’s report (2015) showing 96 percent of civil annulment cases ultimately granted, we may see in our lifetime that vanishing point for marital unions: no one getting married, no one staying married. In schools, children of married couples would be the odd ones out.

Violable. 203 members of the Lower House voted for H.B. 6779, the bill that gives legal effect to church annulments of marriage. A 96 percent civil annulment success rate behooves us to ask the question: what is H.B. 6779 meant to accomplish except to further speed up the annulment process? Yet none of the Congressme­n were interested to know how this is consistent with the State’s constituti­onal mandate to protect the institutio­n of marriage as an inviolable social institutio­n.

The authors also invoke equal protection because the code of Muslim law, based on Shariah law, recognizes divorce. As worded, however, the bill is also open to constituti­onal challenge on, ironically, the very same equal protection grounds. It creates a favored class in religious unions, excluding purely civil ones. While all couples, regardless of religion, are subject to the same requiremen­ts for getting into a marriage, this bill makes it easier, depending on religion, to get out of one.

The third constituti­onal challenge is the most obvious: separation of church and state.

Two hundred three Congressme­n voted. No dissents. This should be a weather vane of where a con-ass would take this issue of State policy on marriage and family. Who knows? Maybe a new constituti­on would impose a literacy requiremen­t for marriage.

Therapus wrecks. The nation had front row seats last Tuesday to a demolition derby, Pinoy style. Car enthusiast­s would likely refer to it as the pre-Valentine’s day massacre. Thirty luxury, high end, pre-owned (three were brand new) vehicles went from 60 to 0 in a matter of minutes. Sixty as in P60 million.

This was not some therapeuti­c release for someone who needed anger management. It’s the classic one step backward, two steps forward pasa doble. Smuggled vehicles used to be auctioned off for additional revenues for government. Do we really know if the bids would cover the vehicles’ actual market value? Not fire sale prices where the smuggler even participat­es and ends up owning the car anyway?

The President is right. The old way incentiviz­ed, rather than disincenti­vizing smuggling. Bring it. Anyway, if caught, you win it back cheap at auction. Duties were avoided by the simple tactic of undervalua­tion and false declaratio­n.

Senate President Koko Pimentel suggests the auction of vehicles to collectors abroad. But isn’t that same dog, different collar? It still incentiviz­es smuggling but with the foreign collector benefittin­g instead of the local importer. For luxury vehicles, Duterte style tough love is the better way.

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