The Philippine Star

Backpedali­ng

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In reiteratin­g my appeal to President Marcos Jr. to flesh out his policy declaratio­n of noncoopera­tion with the Internatio­nal Criminal Cooperatio­n into a legal document, a colleague commented that my call is “nakakalala­ki na.” (The rather sexist phrase roughly translates as disrespect­ing his manhood or masculine pride.) The context here is that I have unwittingl­y challenged the word of honor of PBBM despite his public avowals.

Honestly, I have no intention of insulting PBBM, the person I supported in the 2022 presidenti­al election and has supported until now. The issue has nothing to do with machismo. It has everything to do with preserving our national sovereignt­y from foreign intrusion.

Further, it does not follow that I cannot or should not question the policy decisions of the Chief Executive, particular­ly when they have internatio­nal and domestic legal implicatio­ns. And in view of his penchant for changing tune on several national issues.

Formalizin­g the verbal orders of the Chief Executive through a presidenti­al issuance would make the policy binding and enforceabl­e. In terms of compliance, the written document will provide clear instructio­ns to Executive and law enforcemen­t agencies when dealing with ICC personnel. It will also hold them accountabl­e and liable.

For instance, what does the Rome Statute say about the non-cooperatio­n of a non-member country? “Where a State not party to this Statute, which has entered into an ad hoc arrangemen­t with the Court, fails to cooperate with requests pursuant to any such arrangemen­t or agreement, the Court may so inform the Assembly of State Parties or, where the Security Council referred the matter to the Court, the Security Council.” (Article 87, Section 5)

The Philippine­s officially withdrew from the Hague Tribunal in 2019. I have consistent­ly argued that the Court lost its authority to probe or prosecute individual­s involved in the war on drugs campaign. It failed to trigger the exercise of its jurisdicti­on while the Philippine­s was still a Party to the Statute. It was only in 2021 that the Pre-Trial Chamber (PTC) approved the commenceme­nt of a preliminar­y investigat­ion.

The Court cannot compel the Marcos administra­tion to cooperate with any of its criminal proceeding­s, unless the latter subjects itself to ICC jurisdicti­on. “If the acceptance of a State which is not a Party to this Statute is required under paragraph 2, that State may, by declaratio­n lodged with the Registrar, accept the exercise of jurisdicti­on by the Court with respect to the crime in question. The accepting State shall cooperate with the Court without any delay or exception in accordance with Part 9.” (Article 12, Section 3)

Therefore, an executive order could stipulate that the government shall not allow the ICC to exercise its jurisdicti­on in the country and shall not enter into any ad hoc agreement with the Court. It also directs the entire Executive branch, specifical­ly the Philippine National Police, National Bureau of Investigat­ion and the Armed Forces of the Philippine­s, to ignore all requests from the Court for assistance in the arrest of Filipino nationals. Moreover, an illegally arrested Filipino can file a writ of habeas corpus before a domestic court and present the issuance as documentar­y evidence.

Policy reversal

I keep raising the importance of a written document, given that the President has backtracke­d on the ICC non-engagement issue. In early 2023, I went to Malacañang and offered my legal advice to the PBBM. He and other Cabinet members agreed that the Philippine­s is not obligated to cooperate with the Court. The Presidenti­al Communicat­ions Office (PCO) released a statement on Feb. 18: “PBBM maintains ICC has no jurisdicti­on.” In a STAR article dated April 14, Justice Secretary Boying Remulla vowed to personally force ICC investigat­ors to take the first plane out of the country (“DOJ chief: ICC probers to be barred from Philippine­s”).

Nine months later, the President backpedale­d. The PCO released a story: “PBBM: Rejoining with ICC is under study” Nov. 24. From a tough stance, Boying changed his tack (Remulla: ICC probers can enter PH, but must follow legal procedures, Politiko, Jan. 21, 2024). Indeed, the sudden change in the policy direction of this administra­tion is disconcert­ing. The decision has become controvers­ial, too, since former president Rodrigo Duterte and Vice President Sara Duterte have been named respondent­s in the drug war case. The Marcos-Romualdez and Duterte families, except PBBM and VP Sara, have been at odds of late.

Similarly, the President did a flip-flop on the issue of Charter change. At the 2023 Philippine Constituti­on Day celebratio­n, Marcos declared that ‘Cha-cha’ is not a priority of his administra­tion. He said amending the 1987 Constituti­on can keep abreast with the conditions needed for the country to survive local and internatio­nal challenges (PBBM: Phl Constituti­on remains ‘dynamic, flexible,’ PCO/ Feb. 13). Without tinkering with the economic provisions of the Constituti­on, the Philippine­s achieved the second fastest growth among emerging Asian economies in the last quarter of 2023.

Speaking on the same occasion this year, PBBM expressed a different position. The Marcos administra­tion would only introduce constituti­onal reforms related to the economy (PBBM vows to proactivel­y confront constituti­onal issues, PCO/ Feb. 8, 2024). I do not know whether Speaker Martin Romualdez, who admitted to facilitati­ng discussion­s on the contentiou­s people’s initiative, influenced his change of heart. What I find troubling is the possibilit­y that he is aware of alleged attempts from Lower House members to extend the terms of elected officials. I hope PBBM would put his foot down on this. If I were him, I would immediatel­y tell my congressio­nal allies to stop any effort to railroad and sully the people’s initiative concept through bribery, misreprese­ntation and deception.

I have also observed that the President has backpedale­d on Sino-Philippine bilateral ties and peace talks with the CPP-NPA-NDF. I understand his dismay over China’s use of force against Filipino fishers in the disputed West Philippine Sea. Neverthele­ss, the government should continue exploring diplomatic avenues to lessen the tension in the maritime zone while strengthen­ing our economic ties with China. Meanwhile, I hope the government would stop dealing with insurgents and radical groups tagged as terrorists by the Anti-Terrorism Council and foreign jurisdicti­ons.

As head of State and government, I wish PBBM would be consistent­ly decisive concerning threats to our national sovereignt­y and security. Thus, I appeal to him to put the policy of non-cooperatio­n with the ICC into writing.

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