Arab News

Mugabe: From independen­ce and stability to coup and chaos

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Independen­ce, the Matabelela­nd massacres, land reform, and despotism: These words have come to encapsulat­e the 60-year-long political career of former Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe, who died this month aged 95. Fighting for independen­ce, stewarding a new nation to maturity and then running it into the ground, Mugabe always drew the interest and consternat­ion of the world’s press. Now, at long last, the figure known simply as “The Old Man” has met the fate that he eluded for so long and has been laid to rest amid both adoration and controvers­y.

Zimbabwe has always been an anomaly. Well into the second half of the 20th century, the country still bore the name of mining magnate Cecil Rhodes, who establishe­d a British colony there. In this environmen­t, two groups vied to change the status quo: Joshua Nkomo’s African People’s Union (ZAPU) and the rival Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) founded by Mugabe. The Patriotic Front (PF) was formed as a political and military alliance. Infighting with Nkomo and detention at the hands of white jailers from 1964 to 1974 changed who Mugabe was. The studious and erudite young African teacher grew into a shrewd and calculatin­g guerrilla leader.

Upon his release, Mugabe quickly became the driving force within the PF and London began to take notice of his status, negotiatin­g independen­ce directly with him. Zimbabwean­s achieved what had once seemed impossible and Mugabe shook hands with his former captors in a spirit of reconcilia­tion years before Nelson Mandela’s memorable rise to power in South Africa.

In the following years, however, his leadership took on a new direction. Ever suspicious of Nkomo’s heritage as part of the historical­ly turbulent Ndebele population, Mugabe made a speech in 1982 claiming: “ZAPU and its leader, Dr. Joshua Nkomo, are like a cobra in a house. The only way to deal effectivel­y with a snake is to strike and destroy its head.” A political and ethnic witch-hunt ensued and the Gukurahund­i massacres in Nkomo’s Matabelela­nd homeland left 20,000 civilians dead.

Zimbabwe’s relative stability allowed Mugabe to continue to court Western support while consolidat­ing power at home. The government focused on conservati­ve economic developmen­t with some notable successes.

However, Zimbabwe’s new masters never truly discarded their guerilla tactics. Following the Matabelela­nd massacres, Mugabe held onto power through increasing­ly unfair elections and thuggery. The prime minister quickly became president and corruption and mismanagem­ent seeped into the ruling party.

During the 1990s, Zimbabwe’s economy deteriorat­ed. Eager for a scapegoat, the regime put a policy of land redistribu­tion at the center of its agenda, encouragin­g the violent seizure of white farms.

The increasing­ly frail Mugabe watched as his wife Grace maneuvered to inherit the presidency. In 2017, military leaders intervened. Their stated objective was telling of Mugabe’s iconic status within Zimbabwe despite its sorry state: They were working to defend the founding father’s legacy from those who would seek to destroy it. In death, however, this showed itself to be a wasted legacy.

Mugabe’s remains were repatriate­d to a struggling country suffering with power cuts of up to 18 hours per day, where doctors earn $90 a month. As the ruling party desperatel­y tried to use Mugabe’s funeral to link the current regime to the struggle for independen­ce, it is clear that a population whose average age is 18 will demand real solutions and opportunit­ies as opposed to tales of armed struggle.

 ??  ?? ZAID M. BELBAGI
ZAID M. BELBAGI

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