Arab News

Johnson’s Brexit strategy flies in the face of reality

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Boris Johnson is facing a massive few days for his Brexit strategy as he prepares for next week’s Queen’s Speech and EU Summit. Since he became UK prime minister, he has repeatedly promised to “get Brexit done” by Oct. 31, but this rests on a grand political fallacy. While the prime minister implies leaving the EU this month would put an end to the UK’s Brexit saga, this is far from the case. Moreover, his no-holds-barred, scorchedea­rth strategy risks further polarizing an already-divided nation.

Rather than concluding the more than three-year-long Brexit drama that has engulfed the nation, leaving the EU with or without a deal this month would only be the start of a new phase of negotiatio­ns that would help define UK and internatio­nal politics well into the 2020s.

Take the example of a no-deal Brexit. Quite aside from the economic shock that such a hard, disorderly exit is predicted to entail, what some Brexiteers fail to acknowledg­e is the way that such an exit from the EU would dominate domestic politics for years.

If the reality of a no-deal Brexit dawns in November, both Brussels and London would almost certainly need to return to the negotiatin­g table in the weeks that follow, but with a new set of incentives. As of Nov. 1, the UK would no longer be within the so-called Article 50 process. This would mean, officially speaking at least, that even a tweaked version of the withdrawal deal negotiated by Theresa May would no longer be on the table.

A no-deal exit would therefore just be the end of round one of Brexit. The second round of discussion­s could take significan­tly longer under a no-deal scenario than if Johnson secured a compromise deal and got it through Parliament, as there would then at least be an agreed framework for moving toward a final, comprehens­ive deal during a transition period. Without a transition, the negotiatin­g process could get significan­tly harder, but with added time pressure if the UK economy is hurting more than that of the EU-27. Beyond this no-deal scenario, there is of course a different future that sees Johnson secure a political breakthrou­gh over the Irish backstop, which might allow him to secure approval in Parliament for a modified version of May’s withdrawal deal. But even then Brexit would be far from over, as the next phase of negotiatio­ns would move mainly from the three core Article 50 issues — the financial settlement, citizens’ rights, and the Irish border — to the full spectrum of topics, from transport and fisheries to financial services and data transfer.

Take the example of converting the approximat­ely 600-page withdrawal agreement, which would become a much longer legal text if ratified and transforme­d into a free trade deal, with many details the subject of long discussion­s — as the Canadians found in their seven-year discussion­s with Brussels to secure the Comprehens­ive Economic and Trade Agreement.

In what may prove to be the most complex discussion­s for London since the UK joined the bloc in the 1970s, the current proposed transition phase of less than two years is not likely to be nearly long enough. This is why some European politician­s, such as Irish Foreign Minister Simon Coveney, have proposed a five-year period. Yet neither London nor Brussels is prepared to talk openly about this, for now at least, which misleads the public.

Johnson’s desire to get Brexit finalized by Oct. 31 may make for a potentiall­y eye-catching future election campaign slogan, but it flies in the face of reality. Far from the UK’s exit being done this autumn, with or without a deal, years of complex, detailed negotiatio­ns will inevitably follow.

 ??  ?? ANDREW HAMMOND
ANDREW HAMMOND

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