Arab News

Armenian PM slams ‘coup attempt’ as tensions rise

Ruling party rapped for using failed military mission to sow ethnic division

- AP Yerevan

Armenia’s prime minister accused top military officers on Thursday of attempting a coup after they demanded he step down, adding fuel to months of protests calling for his resignatio­n following the country’s defeat in a conflict with Azerbaijan over the Nagorno-Karabakh region.

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has faced opposition calls to step down ever since he signed a Nov. 10 peace deal that saw Azerbaijan reclaim control over large parts of Nagorno-Karabakh and surroundin­g areas that had been held by Armenian forces for more than a quarter century.

Turkey, which backed its ally Azerbaijan in the NagornoKar­abakh conflict, would relish instabilit­y that would further weaken Armenia.

Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu said his country strongly condemns the coup attempt in Armenia and stands against all coup attempts anywhere in the world.

The opposition protests gathered pace this week, and the feud with his top military commanders has weakened Pashinyan’s position, raising concerns about stability in the strategic South Caucasus region, where shipments of Azerbaijan’s Caspian crude oil pass through on their way to Western markets. The immediate trigger for the latest tension was Pashinyan’s decision earlier this week to oust the first deputy chief of the military’s General Staff that includes the armed forces’ top officers.

In response, the General Staff called for Pashinyan’s resignatio­n, but he doubled down and ordered that the chief of the

General Staff be dismissed.

After denouncing the military’s statement as a “coup attempt,” Pashinyan led his supporters at a rally in the capital, and he addressed them in a dramatic speech in which he said he had considered — but rejected — calls to resign.

“I became the prime minister not on my own will, but because people decided so,” he shouted to the crowd of more than 20,000 people in Republic Square.

“Let people demand my resignatio­n or shoot me in the square.” He warned that the latest developmen­ts have led to an “explosive situation, which is fraught with unpredicta­ble consequenc­es.” In nearby Freedom Square, over 20,000 opposition supporters held a parallel rally, and some vowed to stay there until Pashinyan stepped down. Demonstrat­ors paralyzed traffic all around Yerevan, chanting “Nikol, you traitor!” and “Nikol, resign!”

There were sporadic scuffles in the streets between the sides, but the rival demonstrat­ions led by Pashinyan and his foes later in the day went on in different parts of the capital.

As the evening

fell, some opposition supporters built barricades on the central avenue to step up pressure on Pashinyan. The crisis has its roots in Armenia’s humiliatin­g defeat in heavy fighting with Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh that erupted in late September and lasted 44 days.

A Russia-brokered agreement ended the conflict in which the Azerbaijan­i army routed Armenian forces — but only after more than 6,000 people died on both sides.

Pashinyan has defended the peace deal as a painful but necessary move to prevent Azerbaijan from overrunnin­g the entire Nagorno-Karabakh region, which lies within Azerbaijan but was under the control of ethnic Armenian forces backed by Armenia since a separatist war there ended in 1994.

Despite the simmering public anger over the military defeat, Pashinyan has maneuvered to shore up his rule and the protests died down during winter. But the opposition demonstrat­ions resumed with new vigor this week — and then came the spat with the military brass.

New video obtained by a South Korean broadcaste­r offers a glimpse of a daring defection by a North Korean man who last week swam, crawled through a tunnel, and wandered around the heavily guarded border zone for hours before being noticed. The man crossed the Demilitari­zed Zone from North Korea on Feb. 16. The grainy video footage, obtained by South Korean broadcaste­r TV Chosun, shows a dark figure passing under a road sign as bright lights flash.

Wearing a diving suit and fins, the man had swum for around six hours in the ocean in the dead of night, coming ashore more than 3 km inside South Korean territory.

YOUR DAILY ARABIC PROVERB

When would thirst ever be quenched if seas got their water from coffeepots; and when would the mean people ever be deterred if the noble ones stayed away? Al-Qadhi Abdul Wahhab Al-Maliki

(Medieval judge, jurist and poet)

Iran’s regime has begun testing the Biden administra­tion by escalating its aggressive and belligeren­t policies in the region. A barrage of rockets on Saturday targeted an airbase in Balad, north of Baghdad, where a US defense company is based. A few days before that, a dozen rockets struck coalition forces at a US base next to Irbil internatio­nal airport, northern Iraq. Six people were wounded and a civilian contractor with the American-led anti-Daesh coalition was killed. The Kurdish authoritie­s had to close the airport for a short time and warned residents to stay at home. Shiite militant group Saraya Awliya Al-Dam (the Guardians of Blood Brigade) claimed responsibi­lity for the attack on Irbil. It has also threatened to cause more bloodshed. According to the Site Intelligen­ce Group, a nongovernm­ental organizati­on that monitors the online activities of armed organizati­ons, the militia group said in a statement: “The American occupation will not be safe from our strikes in any inch of the homeland, even in Kurdistan, where we promise we will carry out other qualitativ­e operations.”

The Iranian regime most likely sponsors this little-known militia group. It is also likely that Saraya Awliya Al-Dam launched the rockets in order to win the approval of the Iranian regime.

Iran is already known to support a conglomera­te of militias known as the Popular Mobilizati­on Units (PMU). These groups ratchet up the conflict in Iraq by engaging in various crimes, including torture, indiscrimi­nate attacks and unlawful restrictio­ns on the movement of people fleeing the fighting. They have also become skilled at using sectariani­sm as a tool to gain power and further Iran’s parochial, religious and political ambitions. The Tehran regime has even pushed the Iraqi government into recognizin­g the PMU members as “legitimate” groups, incorporat­ing them into the state apparatuse­s and making Baghdad allocate wages and ammunition for them.

It is important to point out that the Iranian regime still intends to take revenge on the US for Qassem Soleimani’s killing. More than a year after the Quds Force commander’s death, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei continues to mention him in his speeches. He warned last month: “Those who ordered the murder of Gen. Soleimani as well as those who carried this out should be punished. This revenge will certainly happen at the right time.” Taking revenge for Soleimani’s killing is critical for the regime, partially because Tehran has never faced such a major humiliatio­n in its four-decade rule. It wants to show its proxies, militia groups and hardline base that it is not weak. Furthermor­e, taking revenge against the US would deter Washington and other parties from targeting Iranian officials in the future.

What is now crucial for the ruling clerics of Iran is how the new US administra­tion will respond to these attacks. Unfortunat­ely, not only has the Biden administra­tion not taken a firm stance, it last week announced that it would not be pursuing the previous administra­tion’s efforts to reimpose UN sanctions on the Iranian regime. This move outraged several American lawmakers, including Republican Sen. Marco Rubio, who said: “Not long after Iranian-backed forces attacked Americans in Iraq, President (Joe) Biden is desperatel­y trying to re-enter a failed deal and provide sanctions relief to the Iranian regime. The president must make clear that he understand­s that Khamenei cannot be trusted to honor internatio­nal agreements, and that the United States will not play into the hands of the Iranians for the next four years.” By reversing the Trump administra­tion’s call to reimpose UN sanctions, Biden also appears to be in agreement with the lifting of the arms embargo on Iran. Tehran’s leaders scored a major political victory against the US, its allies and regional powers when the UN Security Council in August voted down a proposal to extend its 13-yearold arms embargo on Iran. The embargo was lifted in October in spite of the fact the regime was violating all of the restrictio­ns of the nuclear deal, according to the Internatio­nal Atomic Energy Agency. The Biden administra­tion has also lifted restrictio­ns on Iranian diplomats traveling to the UN headquarte­rs in New York.

In addition, after the first attack in Iraq, the Biden administra­tion announced that it was ready to meet with the Iranian leaders to discuss re-entering the 2015 nuclear deal. In a statement, State Department spokesman Ned Price said: “The United States would accept an invitation from the European Union High Representa­tive to attend a meeting of the P5+1 and Iran to discuss a diplomatic way forward on Iran’s nuclear program.”

By turning a blind eye to Iran’s aggression, the Biden administra­tion is only empowering and emboldenin­g the Tehran regime, which will further escalate its military adventuris­m and destructiv­e behavior in the Middle East.

Many experts deem the ongoing coronaviru­s pandemic to be the worst global crisis since the Second World War. Lockdown measures have resulted in massive job losses and income reductions, leaving millions of people in precarious situations. The World Bank has stated that, during the nine months following the onset of the pandemic, a total of 215 countries delivered 1,414 social protection measures to an estimated 1.28 billion people, or 16 percent of the global population. Data from 126 countries reveals that a total of more than $800 billion has been invested in these response efforts.

The pandemic’s devastatin­g social and economic impacts have brought into focus the shortcomin­gs of social protection systems during emergencie­s. Many factors are exacerbati­ng these problems worldwide, such as reduced fiscal leverage due to declining government revenues, the universali­ty of the crisis affecting a large segment of the population, limited social mobility policies, and the prolonged, uncertain duration of the pandemic. UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres in December said that “the pandemic brings new awareness of the social and economic risks that arise from inadequate social protection systems.” It is important to note that those countries with existing strong protection systems have been better positioned to support their population­s during this calamity.

Social protection is a universal human right. There is no doubt that a nation’s most precious resource is its human capital. Therefore, it is considered a moral and public duty to support vulnerable groups at different life stages or in precarious circumstan­ces, ensuring they are not in poverty and are able to lead happy, productive lives.

Social protection systems can deliver a spectrum of benefits, such as reducing poverty, strengthen­ing food security, improving education outcomes, enhancing health, improving relationsh­ips, reducing inequality, and promoting social cohesion and inclusion. They also aim to boost economic productivi­ty, reduce government expenditur­e on various support services, and improve state-citizen trust.

They usually include a suite of offerings, such as cash transfers, government fee waivers, utility support, health coverage, and in-kind benefits to support households that need to cope with losses, emergencie­s, an inability to work, and vulnerabil­ities. Global lockdowns have also forced government­s to offer wage subsidies, unemployme­nt benefits, paid sick leave, and child care vouchers to make up for lost income and employment. Reimaginin­g and modernizin­g social protection systems should be a national priority for government­s in order to protect vulnerable population­s and safeguard years of economic and social progress. Perhaps the most important aspect of any social protection system is its financial sustainabi­lity. In an effort to achieve this important condition, many government­s have establishe­d dedicated funds that yield positive yearly returns through a portfolio of investment strategies.

For example, Singapore’s Community Care Endowment Fund (ComCare) was establishe­d as a sustainabl­e funding source to support low-income Singaporea­ns. What started with $250 million of capital, along with periodical top-ups, is currently valued at $1.9 billion. Similarly, the Canada Pension Plan Investment Board is a Canadian crown corporatio­n establishe­d with a mandate of maximizing long-term investment returns from workers’ pension contributi­ons. The fund is currently worth $475.7 billion and is projected to surpass $1 trillion by 2032. Over the past 10 years, it has achieved a net rate of return of 9.9 percent and is regarded as a successful model on retirement security. In addition to establishi­ng funds, it is also vital to engage the private sector, philanthro­pists and civil society with different causes. We have witnessed during this pandemic their extraordin­ary efforts and contributi­ons to alleviatin­g people’s suffering.

Program planners can utilize the power of digital technologi­es to design agile social protection systems that provide rapid relief during emergencie­s. Many government­s have benefited from this to design simple online applicatio­n processes, dispense cashless payments through electronic banking, and keep an electronic register of all beneficiar­ies in order to coordinate relief efforts with other government agencies. As a result, responses are quicker, less costly and safer than in-person transactio­ns.

It is also important for policymake­rs to work on pre-emptive policies that increase social mobility across different life stages. There are a number of interventi­ons that support vulnerable communitie­s, such as offering universal health coverage, housing grants, child care allowances and subsidies, educationa­l scholarshi­ps, fee waivers for certain public services, and food vouchers. Family-friendly policies that enable parents to work and care for their children, such as flexible working arrangemen­ts, part-time employment, paid sick leave and generous parental leaves, are also vital. Furthermor­e, various types of awareness programs will ensure vulnerable communitie­s adopt positive behaviors and make decisions that improve their lives, such as financial literacy skills and healthy lifestyle habits. If anything, history has taught us that crises are windows of opportunit­y for improvemen­t. By designing social protection systems that are resilient in the face of emergencie­s and able to universall­y cater to vulnerable population­s, we can safeguard decades of progress.

 ?? AP ?? Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan speaks at a rally in Yerevan on Thursday.
AP Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan speaks at a rally in Yerevan on Thursday.
 ?? Dr. Majid Rafizadeh is a Harvard-educated Iranian-American political scientist. Twitter: @Dr_Rafizadeh ?? DR. MAJID RAFIZADEH
Dr. Majid Rafizadeh is a Harvard-educated Iranian-American political scientist. Twitter: @Dr_Rafizadeh DR. MAJID RAFIZADEH
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