Arab News

Vultures circle over Kabul as America retreats

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When President Joe Biden announced the US withdrawal from Afghanista­n this year, few predicted that the Taliban would acquire vast areas of additional territorie­s so rapidly. According to conservati­ve estimates, a third of Afghan districts are now in Taliban hands and they claim to be in control of 85 percent of the country. If that’s not true yet, it will be soon.

Ken McCallum, head of Britain’s internal security agency MI5, warns of terrorist groups re-establishi­ng training camps. “Extremists will seek to take a propaganda advantage from the situation in Afghanista­n,” he says.

The UN warns of “humanitari­an catastroph­e,” with more than half the population in urgent need of lifesaving support. At least 3.5 million Afghans are displaced, 270,000 have fled their homes since January, and Europe faces an influx of refugees.

It’s all very well that the US is offering a path to citizenshi­p to its Afghan translator­s, but what about the millions of Afghans who staked their futures on the assumption­s of security and freedom underpinne­d by Western commitment­s to the governing system they imposed? What about the millions of girls who may never get to finish their education? What about the millions of public servants who the Taliban consider traitors for serving the US-backed administra­tion?

The Biden administra­tion is reducing its commitment­s in Central Asia and the Middle East in order to focus more on threats emanating from China, Russia and Iran. But which three states stand to benefit most from Western drawdowns in these regions?

All three states have been maneuverin­g for maximum advantage in the post-US era, and have concluded that the Taliban will soon be their principal Afghan interlocut­or. A Taliban delegation was in Moscow this month, while simultaneo­usly no fewer than three Taliban delegation­s were in Tehran. Iranian state media sources are emphasizin­g how much the Taliban has changed after 20 years of insurgency, while the editor of a Chinese state tabloid declared that the Taliban saw Beijing as a “friend.” The Taliban reciprocat­ed by pledging not to criticize the cultural exterminat­ion of the Uighur people, which it downplayed as Chinese “internal affairs.” Even Britain’s defense minister has expressed readiness to engage with the Taliban.

Under Obama, Trump and Biden, an unhealthy US foreign policy discourse emerged about avoiding “forever wars” and not having “boots on the ground” overseas.

Yet if there aren’t Western boots on the ground in chronicall­y weak states such as Afghanista­n, Iraq, Mali, Kosovo and Syria, willing boots will hurriedly arrive from elsewhere. Russia, China, Iran and Turkey have adopted the same imperialis­t mentalitie­s as European colonialis­ts wielded over a century ago, and much of Africa, the Middle East, Central Asia and the Far East are in imminent danger of falling under their authoritar­ian hegemony.

These states habitually exploit the fog of civil conflict to aggressive­ly extend their influence. Hence, they are actively stoking low-level wars, which also benefit nonstate actors such as Al-Qaeda, the Taliban, Hezbollah and Daesh. While Russia noisily deploys armies of mercenarie­s and “military advisers,” China’s Belt and Road project enmeshes client states in murky long-term deals that can end up with bases, ports and infrastruc­ture mortgaged to a foreign state.

Foreign policy officials in Washington,

Paris, London and Berlin appear reluctant to acknowledg­e the terrifying direction in which much of the developing world is trending. Populist policies such as Britain’s massive foreign aid cuts, and drawdowns from overseas missions, have the effect of pouring gasoline on the fire.

This will create a chronicall­y unstable and profoundly anti-liberal world in which unrestrict­ed flows of refugees, weapons and narcotics increase tenfold — a world in which demagogues such as Donald Trump, Viktor Orban, Marine Le Pen, Nigel Farage and Matteo Salvini will thrive, capitalizi­ng on racist policy solutions such as building big walls for protection against the “terrors” outside.

In a post-Cold War world, Western nations have grown so accustomed to absolute supremacy that they lack the imaginatio­n to comprehend what the world will look like after a decade of Sino-Russian expansioni­sm, coupled with extremist groups carving out vast caliphates across the Sahara and other ungoverned spaces.

Stability, justice and competent governance aren’t the natural outcomes when developing regions are abandoned to survive on their own. Strong nations dominate the weak, and the most ruthless always rise to the top, unless there are robust systems of internatio­nal justice and active multilater­al support for fledgling democracie­s and emerging economies. Nation-building is like creating a garden that can be cultivated into something elaborate, stable and flourishin­g over decades of conscienti­ous care and investment, but can be slashed and trampled into the mud in a single afternoon.

In weaker states, a Western force of a few hundred foreign soldiers can reap dividends in training local forces, capacitybu­ilding, containing extremist groups, and monitoring emerging threats. Afghanista­n was progressin­g slowly in the right direction, as institutio­ns, competenci­es and an administra­tive culture were slowly cultivated. Yet 20 years of effort, tens of thousands of lives, and trillions of dollars of investment will all have been for nothing.

Afghanista­n for centuries has constitute­d a graveyard for imperialis­t ambitions, and Russian memories of these humiliatio­ns remain fresh. Iranian, Chinese or even Taliban aspiration­s to dominate this Central Asian corridor are fated to be no more successful than those of their predecesso­rs. Their only legacy will be infinite human misery, suffering and destructio­n.

As the vultures circle over Kabul, it is clearly too late to hope that Biden will change his mind. However, this withdrawal must be accompanie­d by serious strategic thinking about the kind of world that is emerging from the rubble of Western hubris and broken promises.

Stability, justice and competent

governance aren’t the natural outcomes when

developing regions are abandoned to survive on

their own

State-sponsored cyberterro­rism

is now a potent tool in the pursuit

of strategic geopolitic­al advantages and regional hegemony

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 ??  ?? Baria Alamuddin is an awardwinni­ng journalist and broadcaste­r in the Middle East and the UK. She
is editor of the Media Services Syndicate and has interviewe­d
numerous heads of state.
Baria Alamuddin is an awardwinni­ng journalist and broadcaste­r in the Middle East and the UK. She is editor of the Media Services Syndicate and has interviewe­d numerous heads of state.

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