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Biden’s agenda will be slowed down by a hostile Congress

- YOSSI MEKELBERG

In his last big rally in Maryland before last week’s midterms, US President Joe Biden summed up how more-progressiv­e forces are feeling as they watch what their country is currently going through. “As I travel this country and the world, I see (a) great nation because I know we’re a good people,” he said, only to add: “We just have to remember who in the hell we are.”

It was hardly reassuring to know that the most powerful person in the country, and probably the world, is unsure of whether he or his fellow Americans are certain about what their country stands for anymore and what its mission is in the 21st century. This epitomizes the deep crisis engulfing American society: A lack of direction and the social and political fragmentat­ion that accompanie­s this.

When Biden and his Democratic Party colleagues woke up on Wednesday to the election results, they probably still adhered to their view of the greatness of their nation but were perplexed about how the electorate wants them go about sustaining it.

The results were hardly an endorsemen­t of the Biden administra­tion, far from it, but nor were they the hemorrhagi­ng of support that Democrats were afraid of. Neither was it the resounding victory the Republican­s had hoped for. Above all, it was a confirmati­on of a polarized society that is not satisfied with those who are in charge but is deeply suspicious of the alternativ­e.

Midterms in recent times have become a referendum on the president’s performanc­e. For the president’s party to lose a handful of seats is not extraordin­ary. But for the Republican­s to gain control of the House of Representa­tives in the current toxic atmosphere, especially in Washington but equally across the country, in which cooperatio­n, including on issues that both sides could easily agree on, has become hard to come by, it signals two difficult years ahead.

There is a real risk of political paralysis in the decision-making process until the 2024 elections, jeopardizi­ng existentia­l issues such as aid for Ukraine in its war against Russian aggression, or the implementa­tion of a coherent and far-sighted strategy to tackle climate change. Not to mention a plethora of domestic issues that divide the US, including reform of the justice system, the right to abortion, gun control, the rising cost of living, tackling crime, and race relations, to name just a few.

From the outset, these were no ordinary midterms. Beyond the deep political divisions on the most basic issues that make or break a society, America is still reeling from the chaotic, toxic and directionl­ess presidency of Donald Trump that ended in the Jan. 6 insurrecti­on on Capitol Hill in Washington in 2021 and his lingering lies about the 2020 presidenti­al election being rigged.

These anomalies in US politics still hang over the country like a dark cloud and will continue to do so should Trump maintain his grip on the Republican Party. Interestin­gly enough, his baseless and destructiv­e conspirato­rial allegation­s might unite certain elements within the Republican Party, but they might also scare enough others into taking action. They were a catalyst last week for the highest voter turnout since 2018, including many Democrats, which helped to soften the blow their party sustained.

Among Democrats, much of their fear currently revolves around Republican tampering with the democratic system and its violations of individual rights, as demonstrat­ed during the summer by the reversal of Roe v. Wade, a legal decision nearly 50 years ago that conferred the constituti­onal right to abortion.

That is symbolic of the danger of the Republican Party being taken over by politician­s who have turned to that version of right-wing politics that is extremely religious, misogynist and racist, and is being orchestrat­ed by Trump and his supporters. This worries not only the Democrats but also moderate Republican­s.

It is never ideal for a party whose leader is the president to have to appeal to voters for their confidence when that leader has low approval ratings. During the lead-up to these midterms, according to the FiftyThirt­yEight polling website, only 41 percent of Americans approved of Biden’s presidency, and on the eve of the vote more than half disapprove­d.

Yet, surprising­ly, Biden still saw the best midterm results of any president in 20 years — although this might prove to be scant consolatio­n considerin­g that he will face a Republican-controlled House of Representa­tives for the remainder of his current term in office, even if Democrats hold onto control of the Senate after a run-off election in Georgia.

After all, despite much criticism of his first two years in office, not all of which is unjustifie­d, he surprised most of us by presenting a widerangin­g and ambitious agenda. And instead of the midterms being a warning sign for Biden not to seek a second term, they might instead prove to be a shot in the arm and encourage him to run again in 2024, even though he will celebrate his 80th birthday this month.

It is not unrealisti­c to expect that Republican representa­tives will attempt to stop the investigat­ion into the Jan. 6 insurrecti­on and instead set about investigat­ing the current administra­tion, including the president’s family affairs, in the hope of digging up enough dirt to impeach him, mainly to distract from their own failure to deal with Trump’s false claims about the results of the 2020 election and his role in the attack on the heart of US democracy.

If this turns out to be what the next two years will hold for US politics, there will hardly be sufficient time to deal with the domestic and global challenges the US is facing, let alone for it to reassert itself as a global leader with a purposeful and progressiv­e agenda.

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