Arab News

What Israel’s racist coalition will mean for Palestinia­ns

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These are uncomforta­ble times for Benjamin Netanyahu. He may have just won an election, but — having been the dominant political figure in Israel for so long — all of today’s political debate is not about him but those he is about to empower. On Friday, the incoming Israeli PM handed the keys to Israeli national security to one of the most extreme racist hotheads in the Israeli political firmament. The leader of Jewish Power, Itamar Ben-Gvir, will take up the freshly created position of Israeli national security minister, with considerab­le extra powers.

The era of Ben-Gvir and his partner

Bezalel Smotrich has begun. They are setting the agenda, defining the parameters of what will happen. Even before assuming ministeria­l roles, the atmosphere has changed. The settlers and their supporters feel even more empowered than usual. That is saying something.

Ben-Gvir is a hero in Hebron among the settlers, not least the 800 who inhabit the center of the city, for whom the city was divided and the historic center closed off to nearly all Palestinia­ns. Ben-Gvir himself is a settler from Kiryat Arba on the eastern edge of the city.

Just over a week ago, 30,000 Israeli settlers and their supporters gathered in Hebron. What followed was, most agreed, little short of a pogrom. As the Israeli army opened up an entrance into the rest of the city, the settlers stormed through, smashing up stalls and beating up Palestinia­ns as the soldiers just watched.

To the south of Hebron, the Israeli army bulldozed an EU-funded school in Masafer Yatta, all to help the settlers. An Israeli witness told me how the army used stun grenades on the schoolchil­dren, who were forced to climb out of their classroom window.

Ben-Gvir’s remit should, in theory, not extend into the West Bank. This is for the defense minister and the military, which according to internatio­nal law should be the effective sovereign master of the 3 million Palestinia­ns and 700,000 settlers who inhabit the territory; the former legally, the latter in violation of internatio­nal law. Yet Ben-Gvir has been given control of the Israeli border police that serves in the West Bank. So, in addition to armed settlers who revere him, he will also have his own force to deploy, to quell protests and perhaps to legalize settlement outposts. It is hard to see who will apply the brakes on his annexation­ist and expansioni­st ambitions.

Ben-Gvir can also spark conflict by meddling with what is left of the status quo on Al-Haram Al-Sharif. He considers that the current agreement is “racist” as it does not permit Jews to pray on the compound. He has claimed that Jews are

“the owners of the place.”

Smotrich, also a settler, has his eyes on the West Bank too. He has demanded not just the Israeli finance portfolio but also control of the Civil Administra­tion in the West Bank. That has also been hitherto under the Israeli Defense Ministry.

If Netanyahu cedes this ground in coalition talks, it will be annexation in all but name.

The running of the West Bank will have been transferre­d from the military to an Israeli civilian ministry. Smotrich will have huge influence over the settler-colonial empire, which he will expand with gusto. Palestinia­ns barely get a building permit in the 60 percent of the West Bank under full Israeli control as it is, and he hopes to have the ability to deny them even these few permits.

For Palestinia­n citizens of Israel, Ben-Gvir’s new role will be no less threatenin­g. His party will be in charge of developmen­t in both the Negev and Galilee regions, which have large Palestinia­n population­s. Attacks last week in Abu Ghosh are sadly almost certainly just the start. Five cars were torched in this Palestinia­n town to the west of Jerusalem. The perpetrato­rs left one of their standard calling cards — graffiti saying “Expel the Arabs.”

The systemic oppression will continue, but with the added booster of vicious fascists at the helm who have little care for the opinions of fellow Israelis, let alone the internatio­nal community. More Palestinia­ns will be killed, more lives will be ruined. Further attacks on Israeli civilians are sadly probable.

Netanyahu might appear to be the “moderate” in this motley crew of ministers, but he has always been someone who adapts his political positions to the circumstan­ces. At best, he might try to use American pressure to calm the more zealous elements in his Cabinet. At worst, he may ride this extremist tiger he helped birth.

 ?? CHRIS DOYLE ??
CHRIS DOYLE

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