The Edge Singapore

The pandemic must end our complacenc­y

- BY BERTRAND BADRÉ AND YVES TIBERGHIEN

Asudden shock upends routine decision-making and forces leaders to take urgent action. A combinatio­n of mistrust, mispercept­ion, and fear dissolves the bonds that sustain modern civilizati­on. The year is 1914, when Europe spent its summer mobilising for war. But the descriptio­n could just as well apply to the summer of 2020. The worst pandemic since the 1918–20 influenza outbreak is rapidly morphing into a systemic crisis of globalisat­ion, potentiall­y setting the stage for the most dangerous geopolitic­al confrontat­ion since the end of the Cold War.

In the space of just weeks, the Covid-19 pandemic has shut down one- third of the global economy and triggered the largest economic shock since the Great Depression. Looking ahead, the most important factor that will shape how this crisis evolves is collective leadership. But that crucial component remains absent. With the US and China at each other’s throats, global leadership will have to emerge from somewhere other than Washington or Beijing.

Moreover, to pave the way for renewed internatio­nal cooperatio­n, three myths need to be debunked. The first is that Covid-19 qualifies as an unexpected “black swan” event for which no one could have prepared. In fact, public-health advocates like Bill Gates and epidemiolo­gists such as Michael Osterholm of the University of Minnesota have been sounding the alarm for years about the systemic risks posed by coronaviru­ses and influenza, as have leading intelligen­ce agencies.

The sheer depth of the current crisis is the product of our collective failure to think in non-linear terms or to heed scientists’ clear warnings. Worse, Covid-19 is probably just a dress rehearsal for the disasters that await us as a result of climate change – especially after we pass the warming threshold of 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels, starting in the early 2030s.

The second myth is that Covid- 19 has discredite­d globalisat­ion. To be sure, internatio­nal air travel did spread the coronaviru­s around the world much faster than older travel methods would have. Yet, globalisat­ion has also furnished us with the informatio­n, medicine, technology and multilater­al institutio­ns needed to defeat not just viruses, but all other collective threats, too.

Because there is now a global scientific community linked through informatio­n and communicat­ion technologi­es, the genome of the novel coronaviru­s was sequenced and made publicly available by Jan 12, within two weeks of China’s report of a cluster of cases. And now, researcher­s around the world are sharing their findings in pursuit of a vaccine. Never before have so many people across so many countries collaborat­ed on the same project.

The third myth is that our current policy tools and institutio­nal arrangemen­ts can see us through the crisis. In fact, internatio­nal organisati­ons can mobilise only a fraction of the resources required to contain the virus and its economic fallout. Unless we change how institutio­ns like the World Health Organisati­on operate and do more to leverage the resources of private actors, our expectatio­ns will not be met.

The Covid- 19 pandemic has come at a critical moment, accelerati­ng a deeper crisis of internatio­nal cooperatio­n. Resolving both will require significan­t innovation, and a massive cooperativ­e effort to achieve a stable equilibriu­m between economic growth and social well-being. This will not be easy. Not only must we change our institutio­ns and broader economic systems, but we also must change ourselves.

The agenda we need includes five parts. First, we need to work toward more inclusive leadership at the global level. Given the current difficulti­es in the US-China relationsh­ip, the rest of the G20 must come together to generate new ideas for addressing the crisis in the global trading system, the intensifyi­ng zero-sum competitio­n over technology, and the collapse of trust in multilater­al frameworks. The European Union, the UK, Japan, Canada, Indonesia, India, South Korea, and Brazil, in particular, must play a bigger role in filling the leadership vacuum.

Second, we need new multilevel leadership coalitions comprising civil-society organizati­ons, the private sector, think tanks, and others. When the usual top-down leadership is not forthcomin­g, others must rise to the occasion.

Third, we need to ensure a smooth process of developing and distributi­ng a Covid-19 vaccine. G20 member states must build on their previous pledges to work with the relevant internatio­nal organisati­ons and willing private-sector partners in creating a platform for delivering a vaccine fast and equitably. This is an unpreceden­ted challenge that demands an unpreceden­ted coalition.

Fourth, we need more firepower to address the looming financial crisis in emerging and developing economies. The Internatio­nal Monetary Fund should immediatel­y issue a new tranche of its Special Drawing Rights, and the Paris Club of sovereign creditors, coordinati­ng closely with China, must address debtor countries’ increasing­ly unsustaina­ble debt levels.

Finally, the internatio­nal community must start building the coalitions needed to ensure success at the United Nations Biodiversi­ty Conference, and at the UN climate conference (COP26) next year. The world desperatel­y needs more engagement on climate and environmen­tal issues, not least to sever the link between habitat loss and zoonotic-disease outbreaks.

The historian Margaret MacMillan concludes her analysis of the world’s march to war in 1914 with a crucial message: “[I]f we want to point fingers from the 21st century, we can accuse those who took Europe into war of two things. First, a failure of imaginatio­n in not seeing how destructiv­e such a conflict would be, and second, their lack of courage to stand up to those who said there was no choice left but to go to war. There are always choices.”

The costs of inaction today have already been staggering. Rather than simply accepting the collapse of the multilater­al system, we must start imagining the new mechanisms of solidarity that this crisis demands. —

Bertrand Badré, a former managing director of the World Bank, is CEO of Blue like an Orange Sustainabl­e Capital and the author of Can Finance Save the World? Yves Tiberghien, cochair of the Vision 20 Initiative, is Professor of Political Science and Director Emeritus of the Institute of Asian Research at the University of British Columbia.

 ?? SHUTTERSTO­CK ?? The Covid-19 pandemic has come at a critical moment, accelerati­ng a deeper crisis of internatio­nal cooperatio­n
SHUTTERSTO­CK The Covid-19 pandemic has come at a critical moment, accelerati­ng a deeper crisis of internatio­nal cooperatio­n

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