Business Day

Are court delays an abuse of the legal process?

- Leon Louw

JUSTICE delayed is justice denied. For justice to be done, it must be seen to be done. In the Free Market Foundation’s (FMF’s) labour-law challenge, are these time-honoured maxims being violated by the government, bargaining councils and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu)? This is a serious question. More surreal is whether the government truly wants the labour minister to act like a mindless automaton and make, without the time to think, what amounts to law when told to do so by private colluders.

These questions reached a crescendo yesterday. Nearly seven months after proceeding­s were instituted, none of the nearly 50 parties in the FMF’s constituti­onal challenge had filed any essential documents (answering affidavits).

Is this failure due to incompeten­ce, disinteres­t, calculated abuse of law, or a genuine inability to meet generous deadlines?

The FMF’s objective is to have one word in section 32 of the Labour Relations Act changed (“must” to “may”). The aim would be to allow the minister, before she acts, time to consider the implicatio­ns for the unemployed, small businesses, marginal workers and others if contracts between unions and employers are extended to include nonparties.

Employers and employees enjoy exemption from competitio­n law, which allows them to collude. But, having colluded, they may then force the minister to impose their collusion on noncollude­rs.

The FMF’s argument is that this unconscion­ably demeans and insults the minister.

Government ministers should always be obliged and allowed to think before they act.

Besides this fundamenta­l principle, the FMF’s greater concern is the effect of this law on SA’s most vulnerable citizens.

Deals between labour and business elites can have devastatin­g consequenc­es if imposed on others in hugely divergent circumstan­ces.

If applied to retailing, the Labour Relations Act would allow Woolworths and Pick n Pay to collude and then impose their private deal on all other retailers, from Spar, Checkers and Makro to local supermarke­ts, corner cafés, country stores, convenienc­e stores and even spazas and street vendors.

Usually, the only respondent in such a case would be the government. Despite the FMF’s view that there was no need to do so, to ensure that justice was seen to be done and not delayed, it cited all bargaining councils when it instituted action.

It agreed not to oppose Cosatu’s applicatio­n to be admitted and to accept Cosatu’s answering affidavit before a ruling on its applicatio­n. Usually, such extraneous parties would be accommodat­ed as amici curiae (friends of the court) and confined to presenting purely legal arguments.

With no affidavits being received within seven months (including three extensions), from a single party, the FMF applied yesterday for the matter to be placed on the unopposed court roll for default judgment. It will oppose any applicatio­n to the court for more time.

Rather than offering an opinion, this piece asks: Do parties that delay proceeding­s undermine and abuse legal process? Deadlines exist to prevent justice from being denied through delays. The victims of injustice in this case are, according to the FMF, not only 7-million destitute jobseekers, but thousands of entreprene­urs being driven out of or precluded from entering business.

Law allows for extensions when parties, despite good-faith effort, cannot meet deadlines.

This case is now being delayed by costly proceeding­s in which the court must rule on deadlines instead of constituti­onality.

SA has the highest persistent unemployme­nt rate in the world. Like FMF chairman Herman Mashaba, decent South Africans do not want to look back one day and say: “I saw what was happening, and I did nothing about it.”

Thanks to Mashaba’s initiative, the Constituti­onal Court will eventually hear the minister’s preference: “I do not want the right to think about what I do.”

Louw is executive director of the Free Market Foundation.

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