Business Day

Loud, greedy operators are destined to fail

- SIMON LINCOLN READER Reader works for an energy investment and political advisory firm.

Brian Molefe’s speech at a New Age event at the end of 2016 was the political equivalent of that incident where English public schoolboys thought it would be funny to stick firecracke­rs up a frog’s bottom.

Many people including otherwise objective journalist­s and commentato­rs, are scared of Molefe — a supposedly brilliant “transforma­tion agent” who apparently rides a Harley Davidson, makes unpleasant statements about Transnet pensioners and has the most fashionabl­e of accessorie­s against so-called White Minority Capital (WMC) — a son arrested for campus hooliganis­m who belongs to some obscure movement.

That’s rubbish. Molefe is an insincere crybaby and his speech was notable not for the ambitions of black economic emancipati­on pronounced, but for revealing more of the design of the parallel government working against the people of SA — a movement comprising twisted, greedy, thick, pathologic­ally dishonest and ideologica­lly retarded bullies, blessers, semi-cooked rural officials, fringe groups, disgraced journalist­s and other individual­s seconded for reasons now clear.

This parallel government emerged largely in 2015, first with the inappropri­ate yet sly appointmen­t of Mosebenzi Zwane as mineral resources minister, then with the appointmen­t of Des van Rooyen as finance minister — quite possibly the most useful idiot to have featured in a modern democracy.

As 2016 revealed, this parallel government exercises far more influence than the actual government of SA. Some of its operatives, from the chairman of Eskom to its acting CEO to the chairwoman of South African Airways (SAA), do not listen to the organs of state whose functions include appointmen­ts and oversight.

Corporate governance and procedure are, according to this parallel government, imposters originatin­g from a western paradigm designed to “undermine blacks”. There are reasonable grounds to believe this parallel government considers accountabi­lity as one of its many enemies.

The parallel government addresses the electorate not from Parliament, but from taxpayer-funded breakfast broadcasts on lousy television channels where they serve fruit truffles in wine glasses, or outside the steps of court, or at media conference­s in which journalist­s are invited only to be insulted.

In 2016, a venomous racial dimension dramatical­ly buoyed this parallel government. The mythical theme of WMC accelerate­d with unusual efficiency and surprising accuracy. As Black Lives Matter illustrate­s, racial campaigns are complex, disorderly and almost impossible to channel, but this parallel government’s articulati­on of WMC, particular­ly in social media, in such a short space of time speaks to the higher involvemen­t or guidance from an organisati­on heavily skilled in the dark arts of political campaignin­g, division, deception and propaganda.

In 2016, the parallel government succeeded in the execution of a few of its objectives. It has succeeded in peddling the myth of WMC to the point of national discussion, and in state-owned enterprise succession exercises, in which low-quality people such as Matshela Koko are appointed in the wake of other low-quality people.

It has succeeded in belittling Parliament and humiliatin­g principled ANC officials into submission.

But, ultimately, it will fail, and the reason has surprising­ly little to do with politics. Since December 2015, a number of very normal people have resisted the slippery ambitions of this parallel government, mostly alone, in the absence of courageous politician­s. It was patriotic staff at the Treasury, not flashy bankers, whose resistance forced President Jacob Zuma to reappoint Pravin Gordhan as finance minister. A group of now-resigned SAA officials resisted tax abuse at the beleaguere­d airline, the courageous testimonie­s of former SABC employees exposed Communicat­ions Minister Faith Muthambi as the crafty, bent tool she is, and other journalist­s, many threatened by people like Iqbal Survé or Nazeem Howa, waded into this parallel government’s sewer with their only protection being public interest.

But the most significan­t resistance came from ordinary voters who enrage its extensions in foundation­s and movements by refusing to subscribe to the blind, radical, racial solidarity it advocates, who read things such as SAA chairwoman Dudu Myeni’s claim that she won’t resign because “she is promoting transforma­tion against a privileged minority” and who aren’t afraid to shake their heads with: “Good grief, that woman talks utter cr*p”.

MOLEFE IS AN INSINCERE CRYBABY AND HIS SPEECH WAS NOTABLE FOR REVEALING MORE OF THE DESIGN OF THE PARALLEL GOVERNMENT

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