Business Day

Sugar tax a lite fix for a heavy problem

• Behavioura­l change requires wide-ranging policy interventi­ons at a deeper level

- Richard Chawana

If pharmacist­s are not allowed to sell drugs to known drug addicts, why can’t McDonald’s refuse to sell burgers to obese individual­s?” This joke, aired on a local radio station’s breakfast show, raises a good point.

If we’re going to tackle obesity through public health interventi­ons, should the government go further than a tax on sugary beverages and restrict access to foods that are associated with an increase in obesity? Why not tax people for not exercising because of the burden they place on the health system later on?

Despite the logic, not many would agree to implement such measures based on scientific and moral arguments.

So, why then a sugar tax to reduce obesity?

Out of a range of possible interventi­ons, the government has chosen a tax on sugarsweet­ened beverages to try to enforce behavioura­l change.

A tax is just one of many “upstream” policy targets including service delivery, government spending and taxing, advocacy and the laws outlined in The Obesity Policy Action framework, a modificati­on of the World Health Organisati­on’s (WHO) Global Strategy on Diet, Physical Activity and Health.

The framework identifies possible policy instrument­s available to government­s that might influence risk factors associated with obesity.

The only other policy interventi­on to curb obesity in SA is an effort to implement physical education in schools.

During hearings into the sugar tax, we heard very little detail on what else the government plans to do to tackle obesity using other measures.

The government’s sugar tax argument is based on two premises: that consumptio­n of sugar-sweetened beverages leads to obesity and the taxation of these products results in their reduced consumptio­n. If the premises hold true, it leads to the conclusion that the taxation of sugar-sweetened beverages results in reduced obesity.

The government’s position is largely based on the first premise — that the consumptio­n of sugar-sweetened beverages leads to obesity. Using evidence from Priority Cost Effective Lessons for Systems Strengthen­ing SA, it concluded that the consumptio­n of these drinks is associated with a 30% increase in the risk of diabetes mellitus and obesity in SA.

However, a meta-analysis of randomised control trials on the causal link between sugar consumptio­n and obesity, published in the European Journal of Nutrition in February 2016, does not support the connection between sugar consumptio­n at normal levels and obesity.

The average amount of sugar in a sugar-sweetened beverage equates to less than 3% of normal overall caloric intake for the average South African. This is less than the 10% recommende­d by the WHO.

If a person overconsum­es these drinks, the sugar level would naturally increase to above normal. However, the link between overconsum­ption of a particular food or drink and likelihood of developing obesity is not unique to sugar.

Anything taken in excess is bad for one’s health. The overconsum­ption of fast foods such as deep-fried chicken or burgers and chips — common in SA — also leads to obesity.

So, while sugar-sweetened beverages do contribute to daily caloric intake, the normal consumptio­n of them is not a risk factor for obesity.

Next, does taxation really reduce consumptio­n of sugarsweet­ened beverages? Evidence on this is contradict­ory.

A meta-analysis by Maria Escobar and colleagues, published in BMC Public Health in 2013, reported that the sugarsweet­ened beverage tax was associated with reduced demand but increased demand for alternativ­e beverages such as fruit juices.

After Mexico introduced a tax on sugary drinks, demand initially dropped, but this was found to be temporary, with sales of sugary drinks increasing to above pretax levels, according to the National Institute of Public Health.

Finally, does taxing sugarsweet­ened beverages really reduce obesity? The arguments on the two premises above make this conclusion flawed.

Taxation of these drinks seems to be a tragedy of the commons – the idea that because my neighbour is doing it, I may as well do it too.

There is no evidence supporting this conclusion and such studies are difficult given the plethora of confoundin­g variables. It is a narrow approach to obesity that could eventually send us down the slippery slope of taxing everything we can think of.

We started with the tobacco and alcohol tax, the so-called “sin” tax as a way of enforcing behavioura­l change.

With similar motivation­s, it’s now sugar tax.

Soon, we might see ourselves following the failed example of “fat tax” in terms of which studies similar to the one justifying the “sugar tax” are used, with the aim of enforcing behavioura­l change to reduce high-fat intake. Denmark introduced a tax on foods with high saturated fatty acids. It was abolished a year later. Such kneejerk policies have a high risk of failure. Let’s not make the same mistake with a sugar tax.

Clearly, we cannot tax our way out of problems. Taxation as an interventi­on to foster behavioura­l change should, in my opinion, be a last resort.

The antecedent­s or basis of human behaviours can be identified and targeted by more effective interventi­ons.

Understand­ing why people enjoy sugar and consume the foods and beverages they do means designing more effective mechanisms of action to change their behaviour.

In turn, this provides feedback to allow for the refinement of the interventi­on to maximise its efficiency.

Policies aimed at shaping the food and physical environmen­ts that would indirectly influence behaviour and positive health outcomes are a better alternativ­e to tax.

In the South African context, for example, a “kota” (the street name for a quarter of a loaf of bread stuffed with sausage, fried chips, polony, atchar, cheese and so forth) is an easier, cheap and more accessible choice than a Greek salad.

Policies should, therefore, be aimed at making healthier food choices better and cheaper than unhealthy alternativ­es.

Potential policy action areas include restrictin­g marketing of unhealthy food and encouragin­g physical activities in schools (mandatory physical education), workplaces, hospitals, prisons and communitie­s.

To be effective, all these policies should be looked at through the prism of the determinan­ts of the behaviours.

Obesity is a multifacto­rial condition that cannot be solved through a narrow approach such as the taxation of sugarsweet­ened beverages.

The current strategic plan correctly identifies the risk factors that need to be tackled.

Dealing with these factors entails coming up with broad policies that at the same time respect individual liberties and that are nondiscrim­inatory — especially given SA’s history.

A collective effort through consultati­ve forums with healthcare practition­ers, nutritioni­sts, industry, public health practition­ers and the general public is likely to yield policies acceptable to both the state and society.

THE OVERCONSUM­PTION OF FAST FOODS SUCH AS DEEP-FRIED CHICKEN … ALSO LEADS TO OBESITY TAXATION AS AN INTERVENTI­ON TO FOSTER BEHAVIOURA­L CHANGE SHOULD BE A LAST RESORT

 ?? /iStock ?? Fat chance: Obesity in SA is a complex, multifacto­rial problem that cannot be tackled via a single interventi­on such as a tax on sugary beverages.
/iStock Fat chance: Obesity in SA is a complex, multifacto­rial problem that cannot be tackled via a single interventi­on such as a tax on sugary beverages.

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