Business Day

Zimbabwe freedom delay

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Zimbabwe’s strange but welcome political end-game has taken a bizarre and worrying turn. The new dilemma began on Sunday night when in arguably the oddest global news event of the year, President Robert Mugabe was supposed to announce his resignatio­n live on television. By the end of the speech, viewers around the world, and doubtless the military officers who surrounded Mugabe, were bewildered: the resignatio­n that never happened. Was it an accident? Did he forget? Was it a deliberate snub to his former comrades who turned on him? Was he having his last laugh?

Later on Monday, our worst suspicions were confirmed. After giving Mugabe a midday deadline to submit his resignatio­n, it became clear that he was choosing to dig in his heels. This throws the whole process into a kind of odd dilemma. So far, the military leaders who have orchestrat­ed the ousting process have had two major victories: they have won over Zanu-PF, which at the weekend decided to expel Mugabe and his wife, Grace, among others. The army has also won over at least the urban population, as demonstrat­ed by the amazing, cathartic marches at the weekend. Freedom, or a version of it, seems tantalisin­gly close.

But the military leaders have a problem. For reasons that are as yet not absolutely clear, the military has been loath to admit that it has taken power in a formal military coup, even though effectivel­y that is what it has done. One suggestion is that this decision is a consequenc­e of stipulatio­ns laid down by SA, or other members of the South African Developmen­t Community (Sadc), the AU or the Chinese, or a combinatio­n of the above.

The AU has a strict set of rules that formally condemn any unconstitu­tional change of government, and Sadc members are obliged to adhere to these rules. So this new scenario puts the military leaders in something of a quandary. If they cannot be seen to be forcing Mugabe out at gunpoint, their most obvious constituti­onal option is parliament­ary impeachmen­t, and that is one of the routes the group has chosen. But down this road lie more problems.

Mugabe is a directly elected president, so the process is not simple. Constituti­onally, it requires the establishm­ent of a ninemember committee that must collect and present its findings. The charges on which the impeachmen­t action is based have to be of a serious nature, and the whole process must be justifiabl­e. Mugabe has to be given an opportunit­y to respond, as in a court action. Worse for the military leaders and for Zanu-PF, the resolution must be passed by a two-thirds majority, which will require the co-operation of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) since Zanu-PF alone does not have the votes.

The inclusion of the MDC would be a good thing. A kind of transition­al government of national unity could be one option the parties should agree on, which would help secure its political legitimacy. But even if all those hurdles are surmounted, there is one other problem: if Mugabe is removed, technicall­y the job goes to Vice-President Phelekezel­a Mphoko, whose whereabout­s are unknown. The other vice-president, Emmerson Mnangagwa, was fired on November 6, which triggered the revolution.

At a political level, the military is obviously keen to complete the process as soon as possible, because the longer it drags on and the more time that goes by, the more unpredicta­ble events become. A stalled process could even provide the Zanu-PF faction that supports Grace Mugabe, the G-40 faction, time to regroup. Hence, senior Zanu-PF leaders Patrick Chinamasa and Joram Gumbo are already rejecting any transition­al mechanism and have said Zanu-PF would go it alone. Zanu-PF, which has been the ruling party since 1980, is not known for its fondness for government­s of national unity.

But none of these impediment­s should halt the process, which has provided Zimbabwe with a whiff of a new political dispensati­on. The economy cannot stand it, and the people won’t tolerate it. It’s time for the global community to step in with vigour.

A KIND OF TRANSITION­AL GOVERNMENT OF NATIONAL UNITY COULD BE ONE OPTION

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