Business Day

Shooting down all justificat­ions for the folly that is SAA

- CHRIS GILMOUR Gilmour is an investment analyst.

When Russell Loubser, the former long-time CEO of the Johannesbu­rg Stock Exchange walked away from the board of South African Airways (SAA), you know it had to be bad.

Loubser is up for the toughest of challenges and transforme­d an incestuous trading den into a world-class stock exchange. But SAA was beyond the pale for him — as it is for most South Africans, who wonder why this postaparth­eid state-owned dinosaur persists, constantly crawling to its shareholde­r with begging bowl outstretch­ed.

Free Market Foundation director Leon Louw says SAA is probably the only state-owned enterprise that does absolutely no good for SA. “We could argue Eskom, SABC, Alexkor have some benefit to the people, but SAA offers no advantage whatsoever. It’s the most extreme, obnoxious and obscene example of redistribu­tion of money from the poor to the rich.”

Louw explains that constant SAA bail-outs are not a taxpayer expense, as is often described, but rather a reallocati­on of money. “We do not go to the taxpayer for additional funds – rather, we take money from an already designated spend in the budget, and usually money that is largely spent on the lower income and poorer segments of South African society.”

The twaddle and clichés for having a national airline frustrate Louw no end. “The national flag-flying justificat­ion is nonsensica­l, and the SAA logo has become a source of national shame rather than pride. The concept of a national stateowned airline is outdated and is now only found in very badly run emerging countries.”

The cry that strategic routes should be serviced by SAA also falls flat for Louw, as you can fly anywhere these days with multiple airlines. and all decent destinatio­ns are easily accessible.

The tourism argument is also unconvinci­ng as there are far cheaper and more effective ways of promoting the country as a holiday destinatio­n. Persisting with this embarrassm­ent doesn’t do much for local procuremen­t, as it is very much an import business.

Louw showcases the stark numbers. Post the Mandela presidency, under Transnet and then the government, around R46bn has been lost/wasted by SAA. The latest request for a recapitali­sation of R10bn is not enough and assuming no further losses we would be R7bn short.

An injection of R17bn would take SAA to a value of zero. That’s a truckload of money — or social houses, schools, degrees, hospitals and grants. Surely the self-indulgence that ensures free flights for life for SAA staff and numerous government officials and politician­s, must stop.

Another frequently lobbied criticism is that these all too frequent bail-outs make the airline sector uncompetit­ive. The playing field is notably unlevel when a subsidised state business competes head on with the private sector, and SAA has the blood of several failed private airlines on its hands.

It also limits other airlines, doing tourism in SA no favours. Its behaviour discrimina­tes and distorts the market and is unfair to the consumer. Our regulators need to rework our competitio­n law and tackle instances when the state competes directly with the private sector.

The current incarnatio­n of the SAA board comes in for a huge drubbing from Louw. He bemoans its lack of proper aviation expertise and concludes that the board is overseeing a reckless business. Company law could potentiall­y saddle board members with huge personal liability for allowing this. But they would undoubtedl­y rely on the repetitive handout from government whenever required. “It is reprehensi­ble to run a business assuming this will always happen,” says Louw.

SAA could potentiall­y be rescued from its downward spiral by a radical, startling and immediate shakedown. But, echoing most of SA, best that we close it up in the least disruptive and least costly way. “Let’s shut this folly down,” says Louw.

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