Business Day

VBS failure is no time to fight a straw man

- KHAYA SITHOLE Sithole (@coruscakha­ya) is a chartered accountant, academic and activist. He writes in his personal capacity.

For an institutio­n that thrives on being opaque and inscrutabl­e while quietly executing its oversight role, the South African Reserve Bank’s recent period under the spotlight has been most unusual.

First it was subject to an abandoned ANC parliament­ary motion aimed at debating its nationalis­ation, which stemmed from the party’s December conference. The issue is the current ownership structure of the bank, which enables individual­s — including foreigners — to own shares.

For reasons yet to be ventilated by the ANC, it seems that the prevailing sentiment is that the mere presence of individual shareholde­rs is politicall­y undesirabl­e. This appears to be because shareholde­rs are able to appoint a minority of the Bank’s board members. While no single ownership model prevails across the world, there is no doubt that all credible government­s exercise full control over their central banks. In the South African case — despite individual shareholde­rs — the core functions of the Bank remain subject to the state and the Constituti­on.

The government not only appoints the governors and the majority of the board directly, it also has the power to approve or reject any members proposed by the individual shareholde­rs. In practice, such shareholde­rs are therefore unable to influence the policy direction of the Bank by elevating rogue members to the board, since the state has a veto.

Although the parliament­ary motion has been abandoned for now, it will inevitably be returned to the floor. When this happens, we will have to confront the real question of why a change in the ownership model is being pursued so vigorously when, for all practical purposes, the change would make no difference.

One possibilit­y is that such a motion would merely be a precursor to the bigger issue of changing the Bank’s constituti­onal mandate.

Some political factions have expressed reservatio­ns about the Bank’s commitment to its current mandate, questionin­g whether this is compatible with the pressing needs of a developmen­tal state.

Governor Lesetja Kganyago has repeatedly stated that the existing mandate is actually pro-poor and represents the most logical means to maintain the integrity of the country’s financial system. Unfortunat­ely for the governor, such articulati­ons often get lost in the hysteria of political populism, as witnessed in recent times. The withdrawal of the motion represents a temporary stay of execution and should be used by the governor as an opportunit­y to drive home his message across society and the political elites.

Days after the withdrawal of the motion the Bank found itself having to take the unpalatabl­e step of placing VBS Mutual Bank into curatorshi­p. For a central bank whose architectu­re and policy stance have been branded by radical political factions as pro-white monopoly capital, the VBS curatorshi­p could not have arrived at a more awkward time. VBS is a blackowned small bank in a country that is desperatel­y short of diversity in its financial services.

Curatorshi­p is undesirabl­e, but it should be borne in mind that, unlike a liquidatio­n, the process is intended to revive the institutio­n.

At the core of VBS’s problems was the reliance on short-dated municipal deposits to fund its advance book. As it stands, the Municipal Finance Management Act prohibits this.

An opportunit­y therefore exists for policy makers to interrogat­e whether such provisions should be revisited to provide traction for emerging banks. That would be a better use of the politician­s’ time than having to confront the ownership structure of a central bank that is already controlled by the state.

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