Business Day

Guantánamo: an American Lubyanka

- Dave Gorin

GUANTÁNAMO DIARY Mohamedou Ould Slahi Canongate

Like the supply chain behind meat consumptio­n, it isn’t easy to think about Guantánamo. There is a wilful elision; the “war on terror” has become an American shibboleth, and few question its premise or processes.

The US constituti­on and federal courts are tuned out; its location in Cuba makes it an enclave of legal surrealism. It is America’s Lubyanka.

Its true nature, however, must be recognised and understood. Guantánamo Diary is Mohamedou Ould Slahi’s memoir of two-and-a-half years of tribulatio­n and trauma at the hands of the shadowy militaryin­telligence operators running Guantánamo, and the now closed prisons Abu Ghraib in Iraq and Bagram in Afghanista­n.

The book presents one of the first witness accounts of the conditions and methods inside Guantánamo — and it is deeply shocking.

Slahi was arrested in 2000 on a flimsy suspicion of involvemen­t in a plot to blow up LA Internatio­nal Airport. He was soon released, but his fate was compromise­d after 9/11.

A young Muslim who had lived in Europe and Canada, he was rearrested within a week of 9/11 in transit home to Mauritania. Despite being cleared again, in November 2001 Mauritania­n intelligen­ce requested one more round of routine follow-up questions — and his real nightmare began.

Slahi was renditione­d to Jordan, then Afghanista­n, before being transferre­d to Guantánamo, where he was subjected to awful physical and mental abuse.

His cell was kept at very cold temperatur­es; he was forced to contort for hours and prevented from sleeping for days; he was stripped naked and sexually molested by female guards. Ice was slotted under his clothing before he was beaten, a technique designed to worsen the pain but reduce visible bruising.

He was interrogat­ed every day for four years and kept in solitary for three years. He was never formally charged and was freed in 2016 after 15 years in captivity.

Slahi’s diary covers his multiple arrests, the renditions, the personalit­ies of his interrogat­ors and prison life. Occasional­ly, he records the Kafkaesque interrogat­ion dialogue with sardonic wit or outright sarcasm.

His prose is lucid, explained by the fact that he wrote the manuscript in the year after the primary period of duress. Nonetheles­s, it’s harrowing.

Initially, he is co-operative with his torturers but unwilling to veer from his story or participat­e in speculativ­e responses. But eventually the torture breaks him and he will confess to anything: “I erased the words ‘I don’t know’ from my dictionary. I allowed myself to say anything to satisfy my assailants,” he writes.

The informatio­n he volunteers is useless, which his inquisitor­s treat with apparent indifferen­ce.

His memorised minutiae of the interrogat­ions occasional­ly strains credibilit­y – except that Slahi is a hafiz, he has completely memorised the Qu’ran.

But there is a vague sense that Slahi is equivocati­ng about full disclosure. His memory seems imprecise when relating his back story as a mujahid fighting the Soviets in Afghanista­n in the 1980s.

His connection­s to al-Qaeda leaders are not entirely explained by his glib assertions that they may have attended his mosque in Montreal or that he recognises a face shown him during an interrogat­ion session but cannot place it.

Or that he is related through marriage to Mahfouz Ould al-Walid, one of the original religious leaders of al-Qaeda, for whose arrest the FBI offered a $25m reward.

Nonetheles­s, Slahi underwent two polygraphs, and both concluded that he was truthful. He was also interrogat­ed by the intelligen­ce and military agencies of six countries.

Of his associatio­n with al-Qaeda, he writes: “Everybody who fought against the Soviets in Afghanista­n back then was part of al-Qaeda.”

The organisati­on’s military and financial backer at the time was the US government.

But the book fails to provide a vantage across the broader, complex political climate and legal morass underpinni­ng Guantánamo. Slahi’s editor, Larry Siems, added footnote references to unclassifi­ed government documents, press reports, court cases and US Senate commission inquiries. They corroborat­e Slahi’s account, but Siems missed an opportunit­y to make the book more relevant.

And it is disappoint­ing that there is barely a scrap of supplement­ary narrative or editor’s notes to fill in the years between the diary’s 2005 ending and Slahi’s release in October 2016.

In his 2013 statement to the US Senate armed services committee, Human Rights Watch’s Kenneth Roth called Guantánamo an unmitigate­d disaster. Since it opened 780 detainees were held in the prison and 731 were released without charge. Only eight have been convicted by military commission­s, and six of these verdicts have been overturned.

Certainly, the efforts required to counter terrorism should not be condemned, although a big dose of scepticism is necessary.

As Slahi puts it: “The government is very smart, it evokes terror in hearts of people to convince them to give up their freedom and privacy.”

In January, President Donald Trump signed an executive order to keep Guantánamo open, vowing to retain the facility indefinite­ly and hinting at bringing back other forms of torture, including waterboard­ing. Guantánamo Diary should help focus outrage at this. Its testimony forces examinatio­n of one’s views on the twilight zone of extrajudic­ial incarcerat­ion, the use of torture and the line that no authority should cross. As first century Roman satirist Juvenal observed: who guards the guards?

I ERASED ’I DON’T KNOW’ . I ALLOWED MYSELF TO SAY ANYTHING TO SATISFY MY ASSAILANTS

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