Business Day

Jobs crisis needs macroecono­mic tool kit

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SA’s elite representi­ng government, business, labour and community constituen­cies came out in full force at the jobs summit in Midrand last week.

They emerged with an 84page document that served only to show that they have run out of ideas on how to get the country out of its crisis of increasing unemployme­nt, poverty and inequality.

Nowhere does the framework agreement explain how it will create 275,000 jobs a year. You can’t create jobs out of thin air. Sustainabl­e job creation is the outcome of higher rates of economic growth. There is nothing in the agreement that will increase economic growth.

The reason for the confusion is that unemployme­nt is a macroecono­mic phenomenon that cannot be solved with microecono­mic reforms or jobcreatio­n projects, as an Institute for Economic Justice (IEJ) policy brief released last week said.

However, macroecono­mic policy has been a no-go area within Nedlac over the past two decades. This has undermined Nedlac and the concept of social-partner engagement, the IEJ says. Trying to eradicate unemployme­nt without using macroecono­mic policy tools, including expansiona­ry monetary and fiscal policies, is like trying to play a game of tennis without arms.

The global financial crisis forced policymake­rs to significan­tly expand their macroecono­mic policy tool kits. Olivier Blanchard, the former IMF chief economist, wrote: “Before the crisis, mainstream economists and policymake­rs had converged on a beautiful constructi­on of monetary policy. To caricature just a bit: we had convinced ourselves that there was one target, inflation. There was one instrument, the policy rate. If there is one lesson to be drawn from the crisis, it is that this constructi­on was not right, that beauty is unfortunat­ely not always synonymous with the truth. The fact is that there are many targets and there are many instrument­s.”

The challenge was to develop new frameworks to deploy these new monetary policy instrument­s, which had actually been previously used extensivel­y by central banks for most of the 20th century. As interest rates reached the socalled lower zero bound, central banks implemente­d unconventi­onal monetary policies such as quantitati­ve easing (QE). The distinctio­n between monetary and fiscal policies disappeare­d.

By 2017, the six central banks that implemente­d QE owned 20% of government debt, according to the Financial Times. However, QE involved the purchase of government bonds after they had been issued, and it did not affect government spending.

In simple terms, according to a paper by Positive Money, QE works by flooding financial markets with billions of euros and hoping some of it trickles to the real economy.

As policymake­rs discovered the limits of QE, the discussion turned to other policy tools such as direct or overt monetary financing of state expenditur­e, also known as sovereign monetary creation.

Monetary financing targets the real economy. It can involve a mix of tax cuts and increased state spending on infrastruc­ture, financed by a transfer of money from a country’s central bank to a fiscal authority.

Positive Money says the process can be designed to ensure that the central bank does not gain influence over fiscal policy and that the government has no say over how much money is created.

Inflation can be limited if the bulk of monetary financing is used to invest in productive assets. Within the SA context, a developmen­tal central bank can partially finance a fiscal stimulus. It can also create developmen­tal windows where it provides funds to banks and developmen­tal finance institutio­ns at very low interest rates for lending on national priority projects such as lowcost housing and student accommodat­ion.

● Gqubule is founding director at the Centre for Economic Developmen­t and Transforma­tion.

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DUMA GQUBULE

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