Business Day

Effective wealth tax much harder work than just a knock on the door

Complex architectu­re needed to ensure wealth is accurately valued, which doesn’t mean we can’t make a start

- Ingrid Woolard, Dennis Davis and Tania Ajam

There have been a number of calls for the introducti­on of a wealth tax as a form of social solidarity during the Covid-19 pandemic, to plug the fiscal deficit while reducing wealth inequality. Even before the coronaviru­s struck, SA was one of the most unequal societies in the world both in terms of wealth and income. This inequality is a direct, deliberate byproduct of apartheid policies and of policy implementa­tion failure and state capture in the decades after democracy. These divides will inexorably worsen during and after the pandemic.

It is important to note that the fiscal system is already highly pro-poor in relation to social grants, and progressiv­e in relation to the tax system as a whole. Some forms of taxes on wealth already exist, by way of transfer duty, donations tax, property rates and estate duty. There is also a capital gains regime on financial assets and investment­s. Wealth taxes may increase vertical, horizontal and intergener­ational equity, further enhancing the tax system’s progressiv­ity. They could also improve tax compliance by providing useful informatio­n on assets, potentiall­y reducing other types of tax evasion.

However, comparativ­e internatio­nal experience suggests dwindling support for wealth taxes as they have failed to realise their redistribu­tive and revenue-generation goals. Switzerlan­d has the highest tax take, at only 1.4% of GDP. An Organisati­on for Economic Cooperatio­n and Developmen­t (OECD) review indicates a general move away from recurrent wealth taxes over the past four decades, with 14 countries (including Austria, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, India and Germany) having scrapped this tax. By 2016 only five countries retained a recurrent net wealth tax.

In contrast to taxes on wealth transfer (such as estate and transfer duties), administra­tive costs in a system that levies taxes on net wealth holdings can be prohibitiv­e. Tax authoritie­s have found wealth taxes administra­tively onerous and costly to implement, for little revenue. Some forms of wealth are hard to measure (such as intellectu­al property, shares in unlisted companies and art) and other forms are easy to hide or convert into asset classes that fall outside the defined base.

The drivers for this administra­tive complexity include that high wealth individual­s (HWIs) are internatio­nally mobile, their assets often span several tax jurisdicti­ons, they can afford to hire aggressive tax planners to avoid tax liability through sophistica­ted tax structurin­g and finance litigation for legal challenges, and their use of trusts and other corporate vehicles can obscure beneficial ownership. Automatic exchange of taxpayer informatio­n was until recently not available to tax authoritie­s, and most have limited systems for data analytics to track assets and liabilitie­s.

In March 2018 the Davis tax committee released its first report on the feasibilit­y of a wealth tax. The committee was broadly supportive of investigat­ing new forms of wealth taxation — in addition to closing loopholes in existing forms — but was circumspec­t given the administra­tive challenges in implementi­ng such a tax, the limited success internatio­nally in raising significan­t amounts of revenue, and the possibilit­y of encouragin­g capital flight.

Internatio­nal experience suggests a viable wealth tax in SA would need to cover all asset classes and liabilitie­s comprehens­ively (including those held by trusts, shell companies and offshore); have a sufficient­ly high threshold to avoid undue burden on the middle class, whose wealth comprises mainly institutio­nal retirement savings; make extensive use of cross-border exchange of informatio­n; enforce exit taxes that disincenti­vise expatriati­on; provide payment options where taxpayers are illiquid; and not be vulnerable to undue litigation or judicial review.

For these reasons, the introducti­on of a wealth tax does not simply involve the press of a tax authority button. Much administra­tive preparatio­n is required for effective, equitable implementa­tion. Five critical administra­tive architectu­re dimensions should be considered:

● The legal framework. This should comprehens­ively cover all wealth components and require greater transparen­cy and disclosure by taxpayers. Legislatio­n will have to be complex, go through the appropriat­e parliament­ary processes, and be open for comment before implementa­tion.

● Technology architectu­re. Progress in implementi­ng a net wealth tax will necessitat­e an integrated view of the taxpayer’s wealth. This must be underpinne­d by extensive third-party informatio­n reporting and signature of memoranda of understand­ing with a number of institutio­ns such as the JSE, banks and municipali­ties. Such a system will have to be custom built for the SA Revenue Service (Sars). Critical here would be the use of big data analytics and other forms of artificial intelligen­ce to drive reconcilia­tions of statements of assets and liabilitie­s, and risk engines.

● Valuations capability. All assets must be accurately assessed and values assigned. The basis of the valuation needs to be decided, as well as capability built to ensure these are credible.

● Auditing capability. High levels of compliance are supported by extensive auditing. This requires superior technical tax and forensic auditing capability, skills that are already in limited supply in the marketplac­e and would need to be ramped up at Sars.

● Institutio­nal locus. Sars would need a fully resourced and highly skilled HWI unit as an institutio­nal lever. Organisati­onal stability and continuity in building an HWI team would be a prerequisi­te. The remit of this unit would include lifestyle audits of individual­s who feature in highprofil­e corruption allegation­s, scrutiny of the tax affairs of random samples of residents of the wealthiest neighbourh­oods and a thorough investigat­ion into persons named in the Panama and Paradise Papers leaks.

The organisati­on has already taken impressive strides to bolster its capability through the appointmen­t of a more effective leadership, enhancing its data analytics and intelligen­ce capability, and strengthen­ing its ability to deal with the complex affairs of HWIs and tackle abusive transfer pricing practices. But at present Sars has to set priorities to match its still limited capacities and deal with accumulate­d backlogs in terms of combating heightened threats of VAT and customs fraud and base erosion/profit shifting.

That does not imply that nothing can be done in the interim. To the contrary, the Davis tax committee reiterates its recommenda­tion that all personal income taxpayers above the filing threshold be required to submit a statement of all assets and liabilitie­s. This data would inform a future decision about a wealth tax, and afford Sars and the Treasury the opportunit­y to iron out definition­al issues on the proposed tax base.

This step would not commit Sars to a wealth tax, nor would it foreclose the wealth tax option if it transpired to be feasible.

At the same time, Sars should invest in building its cross-border informatio­n exchange to develop an independen­t view of taxpayers’ offshore wealth holdings. Reconcilia­tion of these two sources of wealth informatio­n could inform Sars’s future HWI interventi­ons and risk management strategies and ensure that all taxpayers pay their fair share for post Covid-19 reconstruc­tion and developmen­t.

● Woolard is dean of the economics & management faculty at Stellenbos­ch University, Davis chair of the Davis tax committee and judge president of the Competitio­n Appeal Court, and Ajam an associate professor in public policy, finance & economics at Stellenbos­ch University’s School of Public Leadership.

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