ANC factionalism spills into another uncivil police war
Despite overblown rhetoric about coups and, from the Zuma camp, veiled threats of civil war, the recent mayhem was the result of a decade of uncivil wars. The ANC is split by rival factions. It’s a fracture that runs through all state institutions. The same paralysing dysfunction still plays havoc within the police force — which helps explain the failure to predict or rapidly control rioting.
Quicker than cleaning up the debris or investigating instigators, there is one colossal mess that could be eliminated immediately.
From the police shambles, it is clear the rot starts right at the top. The police minister and the police commissioner have proved unsuitable for their jobs. Dismissals or resignations won’t happen — that’s not the way the ANC operates.
In an effective administration, Bheki Cele and Khehla Sitole would already have been eased out. Instead, reliance on factionalism and a balance of forces tends to reward mediocrity and habitually impedes or punishes ability and integrity. A talent for intrigue is customary in politics and bureaucracy the world over, but in our public service politicking and factional loyalty are at a premium.
One reason for our failure to put a brake on rampant crime is that in the 21st century we have been unable to appoint an honest citizen as national police commissioner. First there was the late Jackie Selebi, appointed commissioner in 2000 but 10 years later found guilty of corruption and sentenced to 15 years in prison. Next Cele was fired over an inflated rental agreement. Then Riah Phiyega departed in disgrace after only three years. Her successor, acting commissioner Khomotso Phahlane, was dismissed facing fraud and corruption charges. Now Sitole, the incumbent, increasingly seems to fit the same disastrous profile.
At the top level, the police seem to spend as much time infighting as policing. In 2021, highly regarded senior policemen Jeremy Vearey, Peter Jacobs and Andre Lincoln were variously fired, demoted, shifted sideways or reinstated after court cases. Vearey has pointed out that in all three instances, “we exposed corruption in the police and we diligently committed ourselves to the eradication of gang activities and police corruption”.
Sitole recently fired Vearey who initially had his security protection taken away. Only 10 months earlier another dedicated policeman, Charl
Kinnear, who had been investigating corrupt cops, court was shot ordered at his Vearey home’after s his security was removed inexplicably. Last week a protection reinstated. This was done halfheartedly, so at the last report Vearey had gone into hiding for his safety.
With such shenanigans, it is little wonder the police could not predict the unrest or control pillaging.
Vearey was fired for allegedly making rude remarks about Sitole on Facebook. Vearey contests this, but even if his remarks were unwise, why is the top brass so ultrasensitive? To be charitable, perhaps it was out of a sense of insecurity, as Sitole and minions appear to be less competent than those they sideline or sack. To be less charitable, undiplomatic frankness about the national police commissioner seems called for, urgently.
WITH SUCH SHENANIGANS IT IS LITTLE WONDER THE POLICE COULD NOT PREDICT THE UNREST OR CONTROL PILLAGING
Sitole is still defying an “injunction” from the inspector-general of intelligence to declassify police documents. He was caught on CCTV allegedly plotting to channel police funds to the Zuma faction at the 2017 ANC elective conference. Top-secret classification, the inspectorgeneral pointed out, is not intended to be misused to hide criminality, which appears to be the case here.
As a survivor of many ANC faction battles, the police minister is no stranger to the dark arts of slanderous propaganda. Cele spread outrageous lies to drive out the successful Independent Police Investigative Directorate head, who had exposed and stymied the (possibly treasonous) plot. We cannot expect any meaningful police reform if those at the top seem sneaky, jealous or so insecure that they persecute their best officers.
A local police station is where the public faces the state most directly, often to be met by blank stares and inefficiency. Higher up, many officers prove sloppy or incompetent. More recently, at the very highest level, we saw pettiness, vindictiveness and corruption. During lockdown, street patrols frequently proved bullying or militaristic, a failure both of training and leadership.
Cele and Sitole are good at looking and sounding tough. But where’s the beef?