Business Day

Questions about vice-chancellor­s

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Public outrage at the scale of the salaries enjoyed by SA’s university vice-chancellor­s, exposed by an investigat­ion by the Council for Higher Education, is entirely predictabl­e. It is easy to decry the generous remunerati­on accorded to vicechance­llors as a misuse of scarce public funds, given that in 2019 more half of them were taking home more than President Cyril Ramaphosa. Leading the pack was the University of Johannesbu­rg, which provided its vice-chancellor with a R7.17m package, almost double the president’s R3.9m salary at the time.

But there are much bigger questions that need to be grappled with: who gets to decide how much vice-chancellor­s are worth, how should their pay be linked to the performanc­e of the institutio­ns they lead, and why is there so little transparen­cy?

The council’s report has yet to be made public, but a summary of its findings has made its way into the public domain. It shows there is no consistenc­y in how the remunerati­on of the vicechance­llors and senior executives of SA’s 26 universiti­es is determined, and at more than a third of these institutio­ns the chair of council single-handedly conducted vice-chancellor performanc­e evaluation­s and determined their financial awards. Poor performanc­e rarely resulted in penalties, and there were numerous discrepanc­ies between the informatio­n supplied to the council and that disclosed in annual reports, with a slew of fringe benefits hidden from public scrutiny.

Just like public servants, the vice-chancellor­s were consistent­ly awarded above-inflation annual increases during the 15year period reviewed by the council, and their average total cost to company compared favourably with their counterpar­ts in developed countries in US dollar terms. Yet there was no apparent link between remunerati­on and the research output of their universiti­es, the number of master’s and doctoral graduates they produced, or the size of their academic enterprise.

There are many troubling aspects of the council ’ s findings, indicating the need for better institutio­nal governance and greater public accountabi­lity. But there is a broader and equally problemati­c issue. Higher education, science & innovation minister Blade Nzimande commission­ed the investigat­ion in 2020. The report was completed three years ago and has sat with him since then.

Last week, he cancelled a presentati­on to parliament on its findings at the last minute, saying he first wanted to present the report to university council chairs. That is entirely inappropri­ate: he and the council are answerable to parliament, not to the institutio­ns found lacking by its investigat­ion.

Parliament’s supine legislator­s were entirely remiss in not insisting the presentati­on go ahead. And while the council presentati­on has made its way into the public domain, the report itself remains under wraps.

There is no justificat­ion for continuing to shield vice-chancellor­s. It is time for the minister to publish the report and for parliament to hold them and their institutio­ns accountabl­e. Only then can the debate about what they should earn get truly under way.

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