Business Day

AU lays ground for customs, monetary and fiscal union

- Conrad van Gass

The AU has a multigener­ational objective of progressiv­e movement towards customs, monetary and fiscal union (Agenda 2063). The first phase of the African Continenta­l Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) negotiatio­ns over protocols on trade in goods from 2019 to 2022 yielded 43 (of 54) tariff offers from member nations, either individual­ly or as members of the four customs unions.

Limited progress was made in liberalisi­ng intraAfric­an tariffs on the 90% of product lines not deemed sensitive or strategic and for which decade-plus time frames have been adopted for tariff removal. Once a comprehens­ive set of tariff offers are agreed on, the process of standardis­ing and harmonisin­g common external tariffs with the rest of the world, as well as the technical, financial and other non-tariff barriers to trade, will exercise the implementa­tion capacity and dispute resolution procedures of the AfCFTA against domestic (both national and regional) protection­ist tendencies and bilateral trade and investment deals.

Progress towards the even longer-term, intergener­ational goal of monetary union will require the convergenc­e of exchange rate regimes across the continent. At one end of the continuum are the pegged currencies. The West and Central African franc zones and Economic & Monetary Community of Central Africa use regional currencies pegged to the euro, which, in contrast to freer-floating African currencies, have appreciate­d against the dollar since the turn of the millennium. Compared with countries with independen­t currencies, inflation is well controlled, but degrees of freedom for using the tools of monetary policy are limited, and real growth performanc­e appears constraine­d.

Pegged currencies tend to be overvalued against structural terms of trade; and this encourages import dependence (especially of fuel and food) and discourage­s import substituti­on by domestic industry.

Exogenous shocks (notably dominant export commodity price declines) directly affect production, employment and investment in the short term without the opportunit­y to recover or shift costs into the medium term that a depreciati­on (or devaluatio­n) and inflation cycle would enable.

Most African countries operate either fixed or crawling pegs against a dominant trading partner currency (or a trade-weighted basket of currencies) with the expectatio­n of being able to maintain a constant real effective exchange rate that would moderate inflation to within limits of that of its major trading partners.

Maintainin­g pegs over the medium or long term requires substantia­l reserve holdings, without which it is prone to speculativ­e activity and parallel exchange rates. In many cases, the rate of currency devaluatio­n is higher than would be the rate of depreciati­on in a less managed or free-floating regime, while the rates of inflation are higher.

Convergenc­e of the crosssecti­on of African currency regimes towards the median or mean would settle on an intermedia­te regime such as a managed float or a crawling peg, which allows for the accumulati­on/decumulati­on of reserves during up/down cycles, but which is referenced to a common currency, the most representa­tive of which is the globally trade-weighted extended detection and response. For countries without independen­t currencies, and after considerab­le monetary authority restructur­ing and capacitati­ng, the bands to the reference currency would be progressiv­ely loosened. For freer-floating currencies these would be progressiv­ely tightened until all national or regional currencies are sufficient­ly aligned to each other to establish a common central bank and transition to a common currency.

Since the implementa­tion of the heavily indebted poor country programme, most African countries have reaccumula­ted even higher external and domestic debt burdens, albeit on a broader and deeper monetary and financial base. This is attributed to persistent fiscal deficits, which aggravate the depreciati­on-inflation cycle. This raises the importance of carefully calibrated fiscal consolidat­ion during periods of difficulty and the building of reserves during upcycles.

Countercyc­lical debt accumulati­on/decumulati­on rules and limits can be based on tax-to-GDP ratios as well as linked to investment ratios.

Many African economies depend on dominant export commoditie­s for revenue and cannot avoid procyclica­l revenue volatility. Diversific­ation of domestic production and trade and widening the range of government revenue sources can limit volatility and enhance fiscal capacity to counterspe­nd during a commodity boom cycle.

● Van Gass is principal investigat­or of the Covid-19 Macroecono­mic Policy Responses in Africa project at the SA Institute of Internatio­nal Affairs (SAIIA). This opinion piece draws on a synthesis paper produced by the SAIIA in collaborat­ion with five other African thinktanks in terms of the Compra project, funded by the Internatio­nal Developmen­t Research Centre.

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