Cape Argus

Biggs bemoans Cape Town comgestion

ANC should have reviewed documents when it had total power

- Yonela Diko

DEMOCRATIC Alliance: The curious case of a federal organisati­on in a unitary state. The constituti­on of the republic refers to provincial cabinet members as MECs (members of the executive council) distinct from the national members of the cabinet who are referred to as ministers.

I was saying this to school a DA councillor who had posted a confusing message referring to both Minister Mthethwa as Minister of Arts and Culture and his provincial counterpar­t Anroux Marais as also Minister of Arts and Culture.

I knew this was done both in ignorance by the said councillor who is new in the DA but deliberate by the DA, because they have always harboured illusions of making the Western Cape “a state within a state”.

Another DA supporter came to the councillor’s aid citing a Western Cape constituti­on which refers to these provincial cabinet members as ministers. What? I then demanded a reference to that constituti­on. What I have always known, albeit loosely, is that the National Party, along with IFP, had pushed for a federal state during Codesa because their support base was regional.

They had lost that battle but won a few compromise­s within provinces. What I did not expect is for the DA, long known as Progressiv­es who were permanentl­y opposed to much of what the National Party stood for, would mischievou­sly continue with the idea of separatism with a Provincial Parliament (as opposed to just a Legislatur­e) that has its own constituti­on as started by the National Party.

The regional fears and separatist tendencies of the National Party resulted in the Western Cape Provincial Legislatur­e enacting and adopting a constituti­on which came into force on January 16, 1998. The Western Cape is the only South African province to have adopted a constituti­on. Apparently this Western Cape constituti­on although subject to the constituti­on of South Africa, it is the highest law regulating the structure and powers of the government of the Western Cape province of South Africa.

Naturally, the current nine provinces of South Africa were created by the interim constituti­on, which was drawn up during the negotiatio­ns to end apartheid by the unelected group of 248 delegates representi­ng 19 organisati­ons during negotiatio­ns.

The interim constituti­on included provisions for a provincial legislatur­e to adopt a provincial constituti­on by a two-thirds vote; but none were successful­ly adopted under its terms. (A proposed constituti­on for KwaZulu-Natal was rejected by the Constituti­onal Court in 1996.). Only the Western Cape, under the leadership of then-Premier Hernus Kriel, with the bill to enact the provincial constituti­on passed by the Provincial Legislatur­e on February 21, 1997.

The failure of the final and current constituti­on to be categoric that South Africa is a unitary state, and regionalis­m of the white cabal will be deemed unconstitu­tional, is troubling.

Chapter 5 of the DA constituti­on, with deals with exactly this issue of Federalism, says: “5.1.1 Each province must have a provincial constituti­on” and “5.1.3 Provincial constituti­ons are intended to suit local conditions that may differ from province to province, and may therefore with the approval of the Federal Council deviate from this constituti­on to the extent that provision is made herein for such departure.”

So the DA is effectivel­y saying it wants the Western Cape to deviate from the national constituti­on when its regional interests must be served.

Twenty seven years ago, in a letter to the head of the apartheid state, in an attempt to launch negotiatio­ns, one humble prisoner (who would become president) said that, at a first meeting between government and the ANC, two central issues needed to be addressed:

“Firstly, the demand for majority rule in a unitary state; secondly, the concern of white South Africans over this demand, as well as the insistence of whites on structural guarantees that majority rule will not mean domination of the white minority by blacks” (Mandela in the National Assembly, February 5,1999). When the ANC ascended to power all these interests were fulfilled, South Africa become a unitary and democratic country of majority rule but one that insisted on protecting the interests of all.

The DA has already manufactur­ed itself as a fake version of the Democratic Party in the United States and federalism is part of that illusion, creating a country within a country.

In this desperatio­n of adapting an American posture, they fail to even appreciate how America arrived at this painful compromise of being federal.

The US federalism system did not come by as a choice; it was a compromise to bring together reluctant states who wanted some modicum of independen­ce, particular­ly states in the south. The US started as a collection of separate colonies that slowly came together to form an independen­t union and revolted against the remote power of the British government.

In the Federalist Papers written by Alexander Hamilton, John Jay, and James Madison between 1787 and 1788, to convince people to approve the constituti­on, federalism helped explain why each state has its own constituti­on and powers such as being able to choose what kind of ballots it uses, even in national elections.

Segregatio­nists like George Wallace and Richard Russell have celebrated US federalism, too, arguing for states’ rights at a time when the national government was moving to abolish the Jim Crow laws throughout the south. This means federalism has been used to perpetuate slavery.

Was the DA effectivel­y seeking to create a “state within a state” with its own constituti­on and cabal in the Western Cape?

The problem is also that federalism inherently subverts a coherent national response to many fundamenta­l challenges, more pronounced by the fact that the Western Cape is the only province without a youth policy, excluding the youth in Western Cape from many policy initiative­s initiated elsewhere in the country.

Its would seem the fears of the minority, through the DA, are enduring.

The ANC in the Western Cape must also shoulder some blame for this state of affairs. Between 2004 and 2006 the ANC was in control of national, provincial and local government and reviewing of these federalist documents should have been a priority.

The ANC gets into power not believing in the possibilit­ies that it might lose power and must therefore do all it must to subject everything, in the shortest possible time, to the vision and aspiration­s of one nation with a shared vision and common destiny. Not all political parties believe in the utopia of all living together in harmony.

As Harold Meyerson, writing for the American Prospect in November 2009, said: “Federalism is more often the refuge of reactionar­ies than of visionarie­s and it has an even deeper flaw: setting the nation at cross-purposes with itself, and never more so than during economic changes.”

This explains why the Western Cape has always been at odds with the national government.

We need to fix this.

THE US FEDERALISM SYSTEM DID NOT COME BY AS A CHOICE; IT WAS A COMPROMISE TO BRING TOGETHER RELUCTANT STATES

Yonela Diko is an ANC-aligned thought-leader.

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 ?? PICTURE: DAVID RITCHIE ?? SEAT OF POWER: Members of Western Cape Legislatur­e stand as the Speaker is led into the house.
PICTURE: DAVID RITCHIE SEAT OF POWER: Members of Western Cape Legislatur­e stand as the Speaker is led into the house.

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