Cape Argus

Talk of synchronis­ed poll

Reasons cited include costs of campaigns and elections, and negative impact of Covid-19

- DIRK KOTZE Kotze is a Professor in Political Science at the University of South Africa

SOUTH AFRICA usually follows an electoral schedule of national and provincial elections taking place two calendar years before the municipal elections.

The next municipal elections should be held next year, about 15 months after the national and provincial elections held last year.

Now, for the first time, there’s discussion about synchronis­ing all the elections, prompted by the governing ANC and the EFF, the third largest party. They want all elections to be held on the same day, presumably in 2024.

The DA, the main opposition party, does not support the idea. Most smaller parties have not yet taken a public position on it.

The debate raises two important questions: the first, why now? The second, who stands to benefit from the synchronis­ation?

Those in favour have presented several motivation­s. One is that doing so would result in cost savings for political parties and the Electoral Commission of SA.

Campaign fatigue, because of elections being held almost every 30 months, has also been mentioned. Both are perennial issues. The next question, therefore, is: why now?

One can start with the negative impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on politics in South Africa.

Most of the political parties’ preparatio­ns for the 2021 campaign have been delayed since the country went into lockdown in March, to curb the spread of the pandemic. Moreover, the ANC has had to postpone its national general council conference, due to have been held in June. The council meets midway between the party’s five-yearly elective conference­s, to evaluate progress in implementi­ng the party’s conference resolution­s, among other things.

The same happened with the DA. Its federal congress and the party’s leadership elections have also been postponed.

The major parties are, therefore, not in a good position to wage election campaigns.

President Cyril Ramaphosa is at a delicate point in his efforts to turn the tide against corruption. Evidence is already emerging of a fight-back campaign by several leading ANC members, including former president Jacob Zuma, whose vested interests are threatened by Ramaphosa’s anti-corruption drive.

The decisions by the ANC’s national executive committee meeting at the end of last month could be regarded as an endorsemen­t of the Ramaphosa strategy and therefore a serious setback for its opponents.

Previous experience­s of acrimoniou­s nomination processes in the ANC during municipal elections raise red flags for a similar process in the near future. In the past, the process exposed deep divisions within the party, even political killings.

An election next year would also pose a challenge for the parties as they could not yet successful­ly address the negative consequenc­es of the 2016 municipal elections. These saw the ANC lose its absolute majorities in Johannesbu­rg, Tshwane, Nelson Mandela Bay and Ekhurhulen­i metros.

At the same time, the DA’s coalitions with the EFF in most of these metros have failed. The EFF could not sustain its kingmaker role in these metros, and also failed to secure executive positions for its councillor­s. Neither of these parties has since improved its position in the metros.

Another developmen­t in favour of synchronis­ation is that the appetite of private donors for funding political parties is in decline, affecting their ability to finance election campaigns. The new legislatio­n on political party funding, which forces parties to disclose all donations above R100 000, removes the confidenti­al nature of the relationsh­ip between funders and parties, and is expected to further discourage private funding for parties.

With this in mind, the parties expect to have less money to campaign in future. A reduction in the number of campaigns would therefore benefit them. At this stage it is almost impossible to predict the cost implicatio­ns of a decline in private donations versus the financial gains of synchronis­ed elections.

For parties participat­ing simultaneo­usly in elections at different levels, synchronis­ation would enable more centralise­d and co-ordinated election campaigns.

For them, it would mean one nomination process for candidates, one publicity campaign, one process to produce election manifestos, and potentiall­y only one campaign message. Human and financial resources could be used more effectivel­y.

Currently, electoral legislatio­n can accommodat­e all of this. What would have to change, however, would be section 159(1) of the Constituti­on, to extend the five-year term for municipali­ties until 2024. The test would be whether the voters accepted a one-fitsall approach.

There’s also the Constituti­onal Court judgment in June 2020 which instructed Parliament to amend the electoral system to allow for independen­t candidates to contest national and provincial elections. It could change electoral practices in many respects.

How that would happen is not easy to predict. But that change, coupled with election synchronis­ation, means a radical change in electoral dynamics can be expected in South Africa.

 ?? | THOBILE MATHONSI African News Agency (ANA) archive ?? AN ELECTORAL Commission of SA official scans a smart ID at a voting staion. A radical change in electoral dynamics can be expected in South Africa, the writer argues.
| THOBILE MATHONSI African News Agency (ANA) archive AN ELECTORAL Commission of SA official scans a smart ID at a voting staion. A radical change in electoral dynamics can be expected in South Africa, the writer argues.
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