Cape Argus

Sunday bloody Sunday

- MIGNONNE BREIER Breier is an honorary research associate at the School of Education, UCT

APPALLING atrocities occurred under the flag of apartheid as the white minority government sought to impose a racist system on the majority of South African citizens.

Many of the atrocities were subsequent­ly investigat­ed by the Truth and Reconcilia­tion Commission (TRC) and are now seared into public memory.

But not all. One of the more notable gaps in the country’s collective memory is a massacre that took place in 1952. It was never officially investigat­ed and few people know about it.

I set about trying to rectify this

in my book, Bloody Sunday: The Nun, the Defiance Campaign and South Africa’s Secret Massacre. After seven years’ extensive research, I have written an account of what happened on November 9, 1952, in what was then East Bank Location, now called Duncan Village. This is an area that was set aside for black people in East London, a medium-sized city.

The book is about the life, death and memorialis­ation of Sister Aidan Quinlan, an Irish nun and medical doctor, who lived and worked in Duncan Village and was murdered on that fateful day. Based on multiple archival and oral sources, the book breaks the silences surroundin­g the violence – on both sides.

In the words of historian Jacob S Dlamini, who wrote an endorsemen­t for the book, it is “about the need for South Africans to learn to listen to voices from the past in order to re-imagine the telling of their haunted history”.

On the day in question, police armed with batons, .303 rifles with fixed bayonets, revolvers and military sub-machine (Sten) guns, dispersed a meeting in East Bank Location (Duncan Village) that had been organised by the East London branch of the ANC Youth League. The police later admitted to killing eight people and injuring 27.

In retaliatio­n, mobs of mainly young people spread through the area, looting and burning symbols of white control. They also killed two white people who happened to be in the area.

An insurance salesman was beaten to death with sticks. Sister Aidan, who is believed to have driven into the area to help the wounded, was stoned, stabbed and burnt to death in her car. Her body was also mutilated. The police responded by rampaging through the area in troop carriers for hours, shooting at people and into houses. Informed but unofficial estimates of the death toll ranged from more than 80 people killed immediatel­y, to over 200 if one counted those who died later. Bodies were buried secretly by relatives, who feared being implicated in the murders of the two white people. The government dispatched then minister of justice CR Swart to East London. Following his visit, there was a clampdown on media reporting. And the government and East London City Council rejected calls for a commission of inquiry. The massacre became a secret.

The killings took place at the height of the ANC’s Campaign of Defiance against unjust laws. The campaign, which began on June 26, 1952, involved ANC volunteers flouting discrimina­tory laws, inviting arrest and choosing to be jailed rather than pay a fine.

The ANC has claimed that its membership grew from 7 000 to 100 000 in the campaign, and it was brought to an end only because of the government’s repressive measures, including the banning, arrests and charging of leaders, and new, heavier penalties.

However, in October and November 1952, there were outbreaks of violence across the country.

Scores, maybe hundreds, of people were killed by police and six white people were murdered in mob retaliatio­n.

The events in East London were the last and most violent – and politicall­y embarrassi­ng to the ANC. Sister Aidan ran a clinic for black people and the savage mutilation of her body shocked white and black communitie­s alike.

The ANC distanced itself from all the “outbreaks”. Nelson Mandela, who was volunteer-in-chief, said they “had nothing whatever to do with the campaign”. In the wake of the tragic events in East London, the Defiance Campaign came to an end in the Eastern Cape and limped to closure elsewhere.

I argue in my book that by disassocia­ting itself from the riots, the ANC missed an opportunit­y. It could have – but did not – place on public record a massacre alleged to be larger than the Sharpevill­e massacre eight years later, in which 69 people were killed.

There were a number of reasons for the silence. One was due to the fact that the ANC leaders who might have spoken out were banned and in hiding elsewhere in East London at the time and fled the city afterwards. Another is that the police did not allow journalist­s into the area so there was no one to record what happened.

In contrast, a Drum reporter and photograph­er attended the Sharpevill­e protest and captured what happened in iconic reports and photograph­s.

Half a century later, another opportunit­y was missed when the ANC tasked the TRC with investigat­ing gross human rights violations of the apartheid era from March 1, 1960.

This left 12 years of apartheid rule – and the tragic killings during the Defiance Campaign – unexplored.

The limitation was set in the belief that the worst atrocities of apartheid occurred after that date and because the commission needed to complete its work as speedily as possible.

While Sister Aidan’s death has been memorialis­ed in East London in recent decades, there has been no formal memorialis­ation of the black people who died that day. I hope that my book, Bloody Sunday, will help to fill that gap.

Book sheds light on hidden apartheid massacre believed to have been bigger than Sharpevill­e

 ?? | AP ?? CHAIRPERSO­N of the Truth and Reconcilia­tion Commission, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, rests during a lunch break of the TRC’s investigat­ions in 1997 in Joburg. An opportunit­y was missed when the TRC was tasked with investigat­ing rights violations from March 1, 1960, and not before, says the writer.
| AP CHAIRPERSO­N of the Truth and Reconcilia­tion Commission, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, rests during a lunch break of the TRC’s investigat­ions in 1997 in Joburg. An opportunit­y was missed when the TRC was tasked with investigat­ing rights violations from March 1, 1960, and not before, says the writer.
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