Cape Argus

Fraught history of religious freedom in SA

- DAVID ROBERT LEWIS Lewis is a publisher, anti-apartheid activist and former member of the South African Union of Jewish Students

SOUTH AFRICA has a troubled history of religious freedom dating from the Protestant Reformatio­n and the plight of Huguenot refugees fleeing religious persecutio­n under Catholic France.

“God Is not a Christian,” said Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu, who also said: “When the missionari­es came to Africa, they had the Bible and we had the land. They said: ‘Let us pray.’ We closed our eyes. When we opened them, we had the Bible and they had the land.”

It was thus colonialis­m that brought religion to the continent, and for the better part of the 20th century, the struggle was between theocrats in Pretoria – those who believed the Afrikaners were Africa’s equivalent of “God’s Chosen People”, armed with a Covenant literally signed in blood (at Blood River) – and those who believed in a more inclusive, secular national identity, one based upon the Universal Declaratio­n of Human Rights, as illustrate­d by our Freedom Charter.

My own family history which spans the Huguenots, the Scottish Celts and Jewish refugees from Czarist Russia (and even Basotho who fled Zulu militarism), struggled with the conflicts, based as they are on competing theologies, traditions, beliefs and practices. For the most part, the Latviks and Litvaks of Eastern Europe were socialists who practised their religion in the face of the Enlightenm­ent and Haskalah.

Persons such as Eli Weinberg, Esther and Hymie Barsel, Yetta Barenblatt and Baruch Hirson, were acknowledg­ed for their contributi­on to the anti-apartheid movement on March 1, 2011, with a series of stamps released by members the AU – the postal services of Liberia, Gambia and Sierra Leone

Zionism for the individual­s had appeared wholly unnecessar­y until the events of the Holocaust and Farhud, the forced dispossess­ion of Jews from the Middle East and Africa which preceded it. The trend of medieval persecutio­n and Czarist and Ottoman-Arab pogroms, resulting in wholesale slaughter, got worse, effectivel­y negating the emancipati­on of the Jews of Europe which had occurred under Napoleon.

In 1917, a mass expulsion of the Jews of Jerusalem was ordered by Djemal Pasha, though the outcome was narrowly averted due to the influence of the Prussian government, the 8 000 Jews of Jaffa neverthele­ss suffered deportatio­n, and their property was seized as the region’s Jewish population was affected by the events of World War I, which included the Armenian Genocide. A report by a US consul describing the Jaffa deportatio­n was published in the June 3, 1917 edition of The New York Times.

A series of laws introduced by then-minister of the interior DF Malan, under the Smuts government during the 1930s, was aimed at preventing Jewish immigratio­n to our country, and introducti­on of the Nuremberg Laws created pseudo-scientific, racial and legal distinctio­ns between Jews and Germans of “pure blood” in Nazi Germany.

South Africa, under the Nationalis­t government whose membership cards carried the Swastika, was soon to follow with its own system of race classifica­tion. Having gained the franchise, denied them under the Boer Republics, South African Jews were in danger of having their citizenshi­p revoked by the Nationalis­ts, as Malan’s brown shirts met boatloads of refugees fleeing Nazi Germany in Table Bay Harbour, with force.

Celebrated Weekly Mail editor Irwin Manoim in his book Mavericks Inside the Tent: A history of the Progressiv­e Jewish movement in South Africa and its impact on the wider community, outlines many of the predicamen­ts faced by South Africa’s Jewish community during the tragic period of apartheid:

“Jews were disproport­ionately strongly represente­d among anti-apartheid activists, a point frequently made by hostile authoritie­s,” he writes. “But the most outspoken, committed and courageous of the Jewish anti-apartheid activists were largely secular, operating outside the organised Jewish community.”

Manoim narrates the role played by Jewish clerics such as Rabbi Andre Ungar (deported by Min TE Donges) and Chief Rabbi Cyril Harris in opposing the regime. Donge’s order read: “I have to inform you that … you are hereby ordered to leave the Union of South Africa not later than the 15th of January 1957 … If you fail to comply with this notice, you will be guilty of an offense and liable on conviction to a fine not exceeding £100, or in default of payment of the fine, to imprisonme­nt for a period not exceeding six months.”

Both individual­s are air-brushed out of history by the likes of Naledi Pandor, whose followers on social media enjoy raising the issue of Percy Yutar the chief prosecutor at the Rivonia Trial. It is important to note that Mandela, a bipartisan on the Israel/ Palestine issue, was arraigned alongside fellow Zionist Arthur Goldreich, and that Denis Goldberg, Lionel Bernstein, Robert Hepple, Harold Wolpe and James Kantor were all Jews.

It was thus that the issue of the Star of David became a point of order in the Johannesbu­rg City Council this week. EFF councillor­s objected to city councillor Daniel Schay wearing a “Star of David” on his tie.

“If they have issues with Jewish religious symbols, they must come out and say it,” responded Schay. “Freedom of religion is protected by the Constituti­on. It is the first time in this council’s chambers that somebody’s religion and expression of their religion is being questioned … This is unacceptab­le,” charged another councillor.

 ?? | Independen­t Newspapers Archives ?? Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu.
| Independen­t Newspapers Archives Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu.

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