Cape Times

Car attack investigat­ors’ dilemma

- Mark Berman The Washington Post

ATTORNEY-GENERAL Jeff Sessions said on Monday that the fatal car attack in Charlottes­ville meets the definition of domestic terrorism, echoing calls from Republican and Democratic law-makers and former federal officials to characteri­se the violence as terror.

Since a car bulldozed through counter-protesters on Saturday, questions have swirled about whether the attack was a hate crime, terrorism or both, a determinat­ion that could affect whether federal charges follow a prosecutio­n in Virginia.

The Justice Department launched a civil rights investigat­ion into the incident, which Sessions on Monday called “an unequivoca­lly unacceptab­le and evil attack”. Sessions has also vowed that federal authoritie­s will seek “the most serious charges that can be brought”.

What those charges will be remains to be seen, given the nature of an attack that experts said might straddle the line between a hate crime and terrorism.

Police said James Alex Fields jr, 20, drove a car into activists in Charlottes­ville, killing one woman and injuring 19 others. Local prosecutor­s charged him with murder, malicious wounding and hit-andrun.

While Fields has sympathise­d with Nazi views, former federal prosecutor­s and investigat­ors said his background did not necessaril­y mean he will face federal hate-crime charges because that depends on what officials conclude might have motivated him.

“If you’re a racist and you kill someone, that doesn’t mean it’s a hate crime,” said Timothy J Heaphy, a former US attorney in the Western District of Virginia, which encompasse­s Charlottes­ville. “There has to be an explicit connection between the two for it to be a civil rights offence.”

Investigat­ors will co-ordinate with local prosecutor­s to try to find any “linkage between the ideology and the criminal act”, said Heaphy, who lives in Charlottes­ville. Such an investigat­ion will include poring over Fields’s history and social media accounts as well as interviewi­ng people who know him. “Was this an impulsive act, or was it more intentiona­lly directed at a particular group?”

Bill Nettles, the former US attorney in South Carolina, said what could tilt any federal prosecutio­n toward domestic terrorism versus a hate crime would be if investigat­ors determine Fields was angry because of the counter-protesters and decided to ram them rather than specifical­ly going after a group covered under hate-crimes law.

“For something to be a hate crime, it has to be more than you hate somebody,” Nettles said. “It’s got to be you hate somebody that is one of the groups of people, the narrowly defined groups of people, contained in the hate crimes statute.” Terrorism, by comparison, would entail someone becoming enraged by counter-protesters and using their car as a weapon against them, Nettles said.

“The point of terrorism is to spread fear,” he said. “The point of a hate crime is to inflict hate on one of the specific groups that is narrowly defined in the statute.”

Nettles said he agreed with Sessions that based on informatio­n available so far, the attack would appear to be domestic terrorism, adding that the investigat­ion could also determine that it was both a terror attack and a hate crime.

The investigat­ion could also find that the attack was meant to send a specific message, because a key part of terrorism is trying to send a message, said David Gomez, a former FBI counter-terrorism official and Los Angeles police officer.

“It goes back to motivation,” Gomez said. “Either way, a hate crime in court, a prosecutor has to prove motivation, and for terrorism, he has to prove motivation. So for the investigat­or, they say, ‘How do I prove that?’”

There have been cases that prosecutor­s determined were motivated by hate as well as terror. In New York earlier this year, where a white man from Baltimore stabbed a black man in what police say he admitted was a racially-motivated assault, local prosecutor­s charged the attacker with murder as an act of terrorism and murder as a hate crime.

The violence in Virginia has prompted a torrent of criticism of

President (Donald) Trump, who for two days declined to denounce the white supremacis­ts gathered in Charlottes­ville by name. On Monday, after mounting condemnati­on, Trump specifical­ly denounced neoNazis and the Ku Klux Klan. He also spoke of Heather Heyer, 32, who was killed when the car drove through the crowd, and the two Virginia state troopers killed in a helicopter crash while patrolling the Charlottes­ville area on Saturday.

The Justice Department has had counter-terrorism prosecutor­s and FBI counter-terrorism agents involved in the case since Saturday, according to a spokespers­on. The FBI, Civil Rights Division and US Attorney’s Office for the Western District of Virginia opened the civil rights probe into “the deadly vehicular incident” in Charlottes­ville on Saturday, federal officials said in a statement.

Labelling an attack as domestic terrorism can give the federal government increased authority to investigat­e what happened, as Susan Hennessey, a former attorney at the National Security Agency, wrote for Lawrfare in 2015.

Whether any potential federal charges following the Charlottes­ville attack could mention domestic terrorism is another question. While domestic terrorism is defined federally as something aimed at intimidati­ng a civilian population or trying to influence government policy, Sarah Isgur Flores, the Justice Department spokespers­on, noted on Monday that there is no specific federal charge for domestic terror.

“It matters a lot for public confidence in government and our ability to respond to attacks like this,” Heaphy said. “If this is domestic terrorism, if this is hate based, it has to be called out as such.”

He added: “It may not make a difference for the number of days this person may spend incarcerat­ed, but it makes a huge difference for… our ability to hold people accountabl­e for what they did.”

Some domestic terrorism probes have led to other types of charges that carry criminal penalties. Last year in Kansas, after the FBI conducted a domestic terrorism investigat­ion of a militia group, federal authoritie­s charged three men they said were plotting attacks on Muslim immigrants with conspiring to use a weapon of mass destructio­n. That charge came because the men plotted to bomb an apartment complex that housed a mosque and Somali people, officials said.

After some cases, including the Charleston church massacre in 2015, questions have swirled regarding what federal authoritie­s will and will not describe as terrorism.

“The line between a hate crime and terrorism would fall into this space of, is there a political motive?” said JM Berger, a fellow with the Internatio­nal Centre for Counter-Terrorism at The Hague who studies extremism and terrorism. Berger said it has long been an issue that there has not been an objective standard for examining and categorisi­ng extremist threats and behaviours.

“The major problem we have in this realm is that there’s a de facto assumption that when a Muslim does it, it’s terrorism,” Berger said, describing the way extremist attacks and plots are characteri­sed. “And when a white guy does it, it’s mental illness or something else. Unsurprisi­ngly, reality is more complicate­d than the categories we create for these things.”

Berger said the Charlottes­ville violence could be a tipping point in the discussion about what is labelled terrorism, saying that there “is a critical mass of both officials and people in the public referring to this attack as terrorism”. He noted that this includes politician­s calling the attack terrorism who might not have done that before.

A part of how federal authoritie­s proceed in Charlottes­ville might focus on what the Justice Department wants to say to the public about what happened, said Nettles, the former federal prosecutor who was involved in the Dylann Roof prosecutio­n in Charleston before resigning last year. He said charging decisions by prosecutor­s in cases like this are mean to punish the person who committed the crime.

“But in cases like this, you do want to send a message to the community,” Nettles said.

Roof was convicted of hate crimes for killing nine black parishione­rs in a Charleston church. He was sentenced to death earlier this year.

Berman covers national news for The Washington Post and anchors Post Nation in the US.

 ?? Picture: AP ?? CASUALTY: A makeshift memorial of flowers and a photo of the victim of the car attack is on display at the site in Charlottes­ville, Virginia, on Sunday.
Picture: AP CASUALTY: A makeshift memorial of flowers and a photo of the victim of the car attack is on display at the site in Charlottes­ville, Virginia, on Sunday.
 ?? Picture: REUTERS ?? A vehicle ploughs into the crowd on a street in Charlottes­ville, Virginia, US.
Picture: REUTERS A vehicle ploughs into the crowd on a street in Charlottes­ville, Virginia, US.
 ?? Picture: AP ?? BRAWL: White nationalis­t demonstrat­ors clash with counterdem­onstrators at Lee Park in Charlottes­ville, Virginia, on Saturday.
Picture: AP BRAWL: White nationalis­t demonstrat­ors clash with counterdem­onstrators at Lee Park in Charlottes­ville, Virginia, on Saturday.
 ??  ?? JAMES ALEX FIELDS
JAMES ALEX FIELDS

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