Weapons to aid Africa’s progress a bad idea

DURING the recent G-20 meeting in Germany, Chancellor Angela Merkel floated the idea that African countries should be given weapons as part of development aid so they could be more effective in combating militant groups.

This was a bold departure from the traditional emphasis on economic aid as the bedrock of development efforts in African countries. To many, and for most African states, her statement sounded like a contradiction in terms because spending on arms can divert funds from vital areas such as food security, health care and education.

Over the past 20 years, Africa has been transitioning from a focus on economic integration to one on security. Until the late 1990s, the emphasis in many regions was on economic integration. This was clear from the consolidation of a number of regional economic integration communities like the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas).

But since the turn of the century, there has been a much bigger focus on security and fighting radical Jihadist groups typically affiliated to Al-Qaeda and Islamic State. As of May 2015, there were nine UN Peacekeeping missions in Africa. The big shift towards security started in 2002 when the US Africa Command (Africom) was formed. This was followed by a security partnership between the AU and the EU. And then there are subregional security forces like Ecowas Monitoring Group and the Sahel G5 states’ counter-terrorism force.

As a result of the growing threat from terror groups, a number of countries, with the help of major powers, have boosted their military capabilities. These include Mali, Nigeria, Cote d’Ivoire, to name a few.

Merkel’s statement was made in the context of many African countries experiencing economic growth while battling militant and terrorist groups. The view seems to be that by helping Africa contain instability, growth rates will be enhanced, and Europe relieved of mass migrations.

Increased securitisation – the emphasis on a militarily strong state at the expense of basic human needs and a strong civil society – started after the 1998 Al-Qaeda attacks on the US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania. These led to the creation of Africom which included putting American troops on the continent. Djibouti serves as a forward base for Africom. It also included a commitment from the US to train and advise African countries that request it. Current key beneficiaries of US military assistance are Djibouti, Ethiopia, Uganda Chad, Cameroon, and Mauritania.

French troops have become more active in Africa. In Mali they are helping the government contain Jihadist organisations in the north.

There are also regional international efforts, such as the security partnership between the European Union the African Union, and the UN Mission established to contain terrorist attacks in the Sahel region. Known as the G5 Sahel force, it includes troop contributions from Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania and Niger.

France and the US are also active in the Sahel region providing training and equipment to the militaries of Chad, Burkina Faso, Mali, Naiger and Mauritania, and engaging in joint exercises with the G5 forces. Merkel’s proposal is aimed at taking these engagements further. What’s she’s put on the table is a compact with Africa and the G20 which includes weapons transfer as development aid.

It can’t be denied that Africa as a secure continent would benefit Europe. But weapons as development aid sounds like a contradiction. There are studies that show the acquisition of weapons by developing countries doesn’t contribute to development.

More weapons on the continent would have the opposite effect. The continent already has a great deal of weapons which exacerbate civil strife. Evidence points to the fact that weapons transfers are responsible for conflicts in the Democratic Republic of Congo, South Sudan, the Central African Republic and Somalia, among others.

The emphasis should be on private investments which will generate millions of jobs for the unemployed. – The Conversation

Conteh-Morgan is professor of international studies, University of South Florida