There are lessons for SA in the return of Zimbabwe’s white farmers
THE recent controversial resolution adopted by Parliament that provision must be made for expropriation of land without compensation in a manner that does not negatively affect the economy or food production is one of the most pressing and controversial issues facing the country and its leaders.
A high-ranking parliamentary committee has been set up to investigate all aspects of this problem and to report back within six months.
All over the country, meetings are being set up to discuss this crucial issue by all the interested parties concerned, as well as the public in general. All the relevant issues, political, economic and historical, need to be considered carefully.
In the light of the above, the Saturday Dispatch of April 21 published an informative and relevant report. This report informed the public that only 26 of the 265 farms that the government bought for more than R1.4billion for emerging Eastern Cape farmers are economically viable, with the remainder in a state of dereliction.
The national government bought these farms for beneficiaries who had applied as part of its Proactive Land Acquisition Strategy. Unfortunately, erstwhile thriving farms, some of which were significant commercial enterprises, are now completely inoperative, with their former farmworkers unemployed and jobless.
The Department of Rural Development and Land Reform has confirmed that only 10% of the 265 farms that were purchased were being successfully run.
In stark contrast with the above report is the one by Kudzul Mashinga, in the Mail and Guardian of April 20-25.
Titled “The return of Zim’s white farmers”, it states that of the many white farmers who were forced off their properties in Zimbabwe by the aggressive and violent land redistribution policies of the erstwhile Mugabe regime, some are coming back as a result of President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s reforms, which include 99-year leases.
Ian Kay, a former white Zimbabwean farmer, says the issuance of 99-year leases is a sign of progress, although more needs to be done.
Eddie Cross, a prominent leader of the MDC, said reliable information shows that about 600 white farmers are back on Zimbabwean farms since Mnangagwa took over.
They are leasing land from blacks, he said, something Mugabe did not allow. Of importance is that it appears that these returned white farmers are being considered as full citizens of Zimbabwe, with full rights like black Zimbabweans.
Of even greater significance is the sentiment expressed by Edward Warambwa, a black Zimbabwean dairy farmer in the Midlands province, who said the government’s decision to issue 99-year leases to white farmers creates a win-win situation for everyone and is good for the country.
He said once white farmers had security of tenure, it would lead to increased production.
He further explained that white farmers, because of their experience, could uplift those around them with the transfer of skills.
He added that some of them have been doing so over many years.
The two reports set out above, I believe, constitute a salutary lesson for South Africa in addressing the historical unequal distribution of land in this country.
There is no doubt that fundamental changes are necessary to correct the injustices and imbalances of the past. There is, however, no magic or instantaneous solution in the slogan “expropriation without compensation” and a drastic change to section 25 of the constitution, which protects property rights.
A comprehensive and carefully worked-out strategy involving, inter alia, restitution, redistribution and greatly improved and innovative tenancy rights is required.
This must be worked out by all the role-players, involving the government, the ANC, opposition political parties, the farmers – both black and white – the agricultural associations, such as Agri-SA, farmworkers and their trade unions and relevant economic institutions, such as the commercial banks.
Of great importance, the reform strategy must not undermine overseas investment in this country that President Ramaphosa has recently been in London with his economic advisers to solicit, which is absolutely essential to secure for South Africa a vibrant resource-driven and successful economy.
It may not be necessary to effect such a strategy by changing the constitution. Ordinary legislation may indeed suffice, as any change to section 25 may impact negatively on investor confidence, and should not be embarked on without great circumspection.
It is essential that all the roleplayers work out a win-win strategy and that the existing farming community that contributes to our food security be given the assurance that their skills and contribution are appreciated, and that they are part of the solution we are aiming for.
This strategy must inevitably involve fundamental changes so that justice is done to all concerned.
Although the discourse we require in this regard needs to be penetrating, it should not be dictated by demagogues and extremists found, for instance, in the EFF and BFLF political parties and groups respectively, with language like “land grabs” and “kill the farmer, kill the Boer” and fascist or Marxist ideologies. We must learn from the Zimbabwean debacle that destroyed that country’s once-thriving agricultural economy and the failed Proactive Land Acquisition Strategy pursued in the Eastern Cape and elsewhere in South Africa.
Since the existing farmers of South Africa have vast experience and the skills that are essential for a vibrant agricultural economy, and can contribute inordinately to the fundamental reform required, they need our moral support and encouragement in the important task of land reform.
Therefore we must give them every encouragement, as they are at this time vulnerable in many respects, with increasing threats being directed against them as well as having to address the increasing incidence of criminality in the rural areas – and in some instances actual land invasions by unscrupulous persons and groups.
Devenish is an emeritus professor at UKZN and one of the scholars who assisted in drafting the interim constitution in 1993.