Cape Times

Projects are helping Zambian women attain equality through better access to land

- Cynthia Caron CYNTHIA CARON

WHEN a woman has access to and control over land and its revenue streams, she and her family benefit.

Multiple studies have shown how women invest their land-based earnings in the health, nutrition and education of family members.

But for this to happen, customs that favour granting land to men must be altered. This requires both structural change through, for example, government policies and socio-cultural change.

The Zambian government has worked with civil society organisati­ons to create a gender equality and land governance framework.

Civil society organisati­ons have used their social networks and, through capacity-building programmes, pursued gender equality in the allocation of land in customary tenure systems.

I set out to study some of these programmes. In a recent article, I documented how women gain access to land in areas of Zambia where access is governed by traditiona­l leaders and local customs.

I was specifical­ly interested in the role civil society organisati­ons play in strengthen­ing women’s land rights in these areas.

Civil society organisati­ons and their donors engage in five key activities that help women get access to land: They build and maintain regional and national networks. They document customary land rights and train chiefs about gender equality. They also support men and women to work collective­ly within the home, and they empower women to work together on pieces of land.

Working with inter-generation­al family networks also might expand women’s access to economical­ly-productive resources such as land.

Women’s rights organisati­ons in other countries might draw on the Zambian experience, tailoring it to their local socio-economic and historical context.

Zambia has two categories of land: state land and customary land. State land includes land in urban areas and land used for mining or nature conservati­on.

Customary land is administer­ed by traditiona­l leaders such as chiefs and headperson­s according to customary law that is unwritten and based on local customs. Customary law is valid under the constituti­on. Any customary practice that contradict­s the constituti­on is illegal.

Women in customary tenure systems have secondary land rights. This is because Zambia’s 288 chiefs, and village headperson­s handle land issues and generally grant occupancy and use rights to men because they’re considered the head of household.

A woman tends to get access by asking her husband or another male relative to use a portion of the allocated land. Gender activists are working to increase the prevalence of women as primary land rights holders. Their work is being helped by the fact that Zambia has a sup- portive policy environmen­t, thanks to the 2016 constituti­on and the gov- ernment’s gender policy.

The policies, together with a network of women and genderorie­nted civil society organisati­ons, have created momentum for legal reform and new measures to promote gender equality in land.

Chiefs, court officials and men and women at grassroots level have access to new tools to reconceptu­alise how men and women might work, live and develop their communitie­s together.

Changing the land use pattern brings about a number of challenges. One of these is that there isn’t proper documentat­ion of boundaries, or even of who has rights to what. For example, customary land in Zambia is neither systematic­ally mapped nor registered. This leaves boundaries between individual plots unclear.

Internatio­nal organisati­ons are working with chiefs and community groups like the Zambia Land Alliance to create what are known as Traditiona­l Land Holding Certificat­es. These recognise land rights at the individual or household level.

Certificat­ions clarify rights, verify claims through boundary demarcatio­n, and end with the issuance of a certificat­e. The certificat­es allow a woman’s name to be listed as the land’s “primary” rights holder.

The certificat­e is designed to reduce property grabbing and the common practice of expelling a woman from a piece of land after her husband’s death. Establishi­ng a system that registers these certificat­es and makes rights public would mean women have a better chance of being protected.

Another major gap is knowledge. Chiefs don’t always know what the country’s policies and laws entail.

Civil society organisati­ons routinely hold provincial-level training for chiefs to explain women’s land rights. This isn’t easy. One chief stated that “men need a bigger area” of land to cultivate than women do.

Gender rights activists try to identify more progressiv­e chiefs willing to change local practice and tell men not to deny partners land.

Getting men and women to work together when it comes to land is also a valuable interventi­on.

In many communitie­s, husbands instruct their wives where to plant their crops. And when the cropping season is over, a woman might not be allowed to cultivate that same plot again and the husband will take it for his own cultivatio­n.

One civil society organisati­on brings husbands and wives together and encourages them to own land and cultivate together.

Caron is an assistant professor at Clark University in Worcester, Massachuse­tts, US

 ?? Picture: Calvin KaKoma Kaley ?? RIGHT TO LAND: Bringing together men and women within a household, rather than maintainin­g separate fields, closes the gender gap with respect to land, says the writer.
Picture: Calvin KaKoma Kaley RIGHT TO LAND: Bringing together men and women within a household, rather than maintainin­g separate fields, closes the gender gap with respect to land, says the writer.
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