Cape Times

PIC Commission: Time to find the truth

It’s increasing­ly important to highlight the full list of transactio­ns rather than nitpicking for convenienc­e

- AYANDA MDLULI ayanda.mdluli@inl.co.za

THE PUBLIC Investment Corporatio­n (PIC) Commission resumes today in Pretoria.

The commission was initiated when United Democratic Movement leader Bantu Holomisa requested President Cyril Ramaphosa to investigat­e transactio­ns involving the PIC dating back to 2015 under former chief executive Dan Matjila’s tenure.

When Holomisa called for the establishm­ent of the commission, a series of major transactio­ns were laid bare and since the commenceme­nt of the commission, it has become increasing­ly important to highlight the full list of transactio­ns, including rather than nitpicking for convenienc­e.

The PIC is one of the largest asset managers looking after the South African government’s public funds. The biggest client of the PIC is the Government Employee Pension Fund (GEPF), which constitute­s approximat­ely 90 percent of its fund under management.

The GEPF is guaranteed by the South African government. Any instances of malfeasanc­e or corruption from the PIC are detrimenta­l to members of the fund and the national fiscus.

Currently, as things stand, the commission has ignored the fact that the PIC board was fired by Minister of Finance Tito Mboweni a few weeks ago, after a showdown with his deputy Mondli Gungubele at an ANC NEC meeting.

Gungubele and the rest of the board have since offered to resign after they were implicated in a series of corruption scandals by whistle-blower James Noko, who mentions board members Sibusisiwe Zulu and her live-in lover Lawrence Mulaudzi.

The board’s widely circulated resignatio­n letter has since been dismissed by experts and industry analysts as “grandstand­ing”.

James Noko also referred to an attempt by Gungubele and Zulu to participat­e in PIC transactio­ns. Gungubele has since denied that he is involved in any transactio­ns.

Several politician­s have been implicated indirectly in these transition­s and questions have been asked as to why Gungubele is still the deputy minister while he is embroiled in a corruption scandal.

Some of the board members, including ANC politician­s, have been involved in scandals involving Ascendis, Steinhoff, Total, Karan Beef and EOH, MTN Nigeria and S&S Refinery. PIC is also an investor in loss-making media group Tiso Blackstar.

A deal involving Ayo Technology Solutions, which also received investment from the PIC is also under scrutiny. The PIC has also lost billions in EOH where the share price collapsed by 90 percent.

Holomisa mentioned that the PIC should investigat­e Harith Capital and Lebashe Investment Group where former deputy finance minister and chairperso­n of the PIC Jabu Moleketi is a member of the board.

Lebashe has since lost 70 percent of its investment in EOH. The commission seems to be ignoring all of the above transactio­ns that were mentioned by Holomisa and were also covered extensivel­y in the media.

The PIC Commission is also ignoring that R100 billion of PIC money was lost in investment­s in companies on the JSE that are not black.

The commission seems to be focusing on black-owned companies and it looks like there is an agenda where powerful forces are trying to prevent the PIC from supporting black business.

For the commission to restore its integrity, it needs to investigat­e the “untouchabl­es”, which includes white businesses that received more than 95 percent of all funding from PIC on the JSE. To date, the fact is that almost R100bn of pensioner’s moneys have been lost to white-owned businesses in South Africa’s economic landscape.

These are important factors that require questionin­g as to why the commission has not investigat­ed and has chosen to remain silent on these issues. Although it has been set up to look at these processes, at the end of the day, the commission by its own admission, said it would look at transactio­ns that were in the media over the last few years.

It is clear that many of these transactio­ns are significan­tly under water, especially the transactio­n involving S&S Oil Refinery and former minister of finance Nhlanhla Nene’s son.

It is also important to note that Nene served as deputy finance minister and chairperso­n of the PIC under former president Kgalema Motlanthe in 2008. The underlying issue is that the PIC Commission seems to be ignoring these transactio­ns. South Africans need to know from the commission: Is it because of the involvemen­t of Moleketi, businessma­n Jayendra Naidoo and Zulu?

Is the commission a whitewash for these powerful, untouchabl­e figures and corruption at the PIC? The commission’s mandate is to look at transactio­ns covered in the media over last the few years.

According to a letter drafted by Holomisa early last year, there have been several irregulari­ties that were raised that could result in the impairment of GEPF to meet its obligation­s over the long-term.

In his letter to the president, Holomisa revealed a number of deals that needed further investigat­ions by an independen­t party. The PIC lost R24bn on Steinhoff. Six months before the massive fraud at Steinhoff, the PIC invested R9.3bn with Lancaster Group led by Naidoo.

Since Steinhoff’s share price collapsed it appears that PIC has lost as much as R6bn in its investment with Lancaster, yet not one word has been raised by the commission. Is it because powerful interests are being protected?

Holomisa then further questions why nothing has been done about Steinhoff if billions were lost in favour of Naidoo and Citi Bank. “The compromisi­ng of the security package in favour of J Naidoo resulted in an impairment amount worth billions of rand. This could be up to R5bn possible losses for doing a favour for J Naidoo and Citibank,” he said.

Another deal that the PIC Commission has seemingly ignored is that of the S&S Oil Refinery in Mozambique, where the organisati­on’s funds are allegedly tied up in an asset that is currently not producing much of what has been projected.

Holomisa alleges that the sponsor, Momade Rassul, is alleged to be an underworld figure and is based in Nacala, a Northern Province of Mozambique. Rassul was also allegedly arrested on June 29, 2017, for money laundering, illicit enrichment, tax fraud, foreign currency manipulati­on, smuggling and misappropr­iation. According to Holomisa, Total’s investment at risk of full write-down is R1bn. He further highlighte­d another dodgy deal – widely reported in the media – involving Erin Energy and an American-Nigerian businesspe­rson called Kase Lawal.

According to Holomisa’s letter to the president: “The ownership of the underlying oil asset by Erin Energy was disputed at the point of the PIC investment, but the PIC proceeded. Erin Energy failed to get full ownership of the asset.

“Considerin­g the PIC’s $270 million (R3.77bn) equity investment and the fact that Erin had drawn $65.6m against the $100m PIC-backed loan, but held $9.1m in cash security, the PIC could lose roughly R4bn.”

The PIC commission has an opportunit­y to get to the bottom of R100bn in losses at the PIC if it has the courage to investigat­e all of the ANC politician­s and board members, such as Zulu, that have been implicated by the whistle-blower.

 ?? MASI LOSI African News Agency (ANA) ?? UDM LEADER General Bantu Holomisa laid bare a series of major PIC transactio­ns in a letter to President Cyril Ramaphosa.|
MASI LOSI African News Agency (ANA) UDM LEADER General Bantu Holomisa laid bare a series of major PIC transactio­ns in a letter to President Cyril Ramaphosa.|

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