Daily Dispatch

Goodbye to ‘mom-in-chief’ of US

- SARA HAYDEN

AS SHE prepares to leave the White House, US first lady and self-titled “mom-in-chief” Michelle Obama remains popular. Indeed, Obama was one of Hillary Clinton’s most powerful advocates during Clinton’s historic but ultimately unsuccessf­ul presidenti­al campaign.

From Obama’s speech at the 2016 Democratic national convention to her rebuke of Donald Trump’s lewd comments, Obama urged the country to “go high” for the sake of our children.

Assuming a maternal role is not unusual for a first lady. It also is not unusual for women to couch their public activism in maternal terms. From senator Patty Murray, “the soccer mom in tennis shoes,” to former Republican vice-presidenti­al candidate Sarah Palin’s “Mama Grizzlies,” women frequently have appealed to motherhood as a means of gaining credibilit­y in the public sphere.

Yet Obama’s choice to highlight maternity was not always well received.

When she first assumed the title “mom-in-chief” white feminists grumbled. As Obama continued to highlight her maternity, they claimed Obama was belittling the significan­ce of her profession­al accomplish­ments as an attorney and vice-president of University of Chicago hospitals.

Black feminists rejected these critiques. They argued Obama’s embrace of maternity had progressiv­e potential for the African-American community.

As a professor of communicat­ion studies who focuses on motherhood, I believe these responses illustrate the complex nature of contempora­ry assumption­s about motherhood. I also believe they shed light on the opportunit­ies and challenges of grounding politics in maternal appeals.

White feminists who disliked Obama’s choice to highlight maternity were not rejecting motherhood. Rather, I believe they were resisting the assumption that motherhood is always a woman’s central concern.

White feminists also were rejecting common and unsustaina­ble assumption­s about what it means to be a “good” mom. One is that a mother is the only suitable caregiver for her children. Another is that she must provide 24/7 care. And, a mother is expected to always put her children’s needs ahead of her own.

These notions, sometimes referred to as “intensive motherhood”, leave little room to focus on careers, activities or other commitment­s.

Echoes of intensive motherhood were frequently heard in Obama’s public comments. This was true of her speeches at Democratic convention­s. In 2008, she said: “I come here as a mom whose girls are the heart of my heart and the centre of my world. They’re the first thing I think about when I wake up in the morning, and the last thing I think about when I go to bed at night.”

Obama uttered a similar sentiment in 2012, asserting, “at the end of the day my most important title is still ‘mom-in-chief’.” In these speeches, Obama also appealed to her concern for the nation’s children as the basis for her political priorities. She even extended that basis to the president.

In 2016 she told the audience, “Barack and I take that same approach to our jobs as president and first lady because we know that our words and actions matter, not just to our girls but to the children across this country.”

Throughout her time in the White House, maternity has been at the centre of Obama’s public and private life. As first lady, Obama stands as the symbol of American womanhood. By prioritisi­ng maternity, she reinforced the assumption that motherhood is a woman’s most important role.

While white feminists worried about the sexist implicatio­ns of Obama’s maternal stance, black feminists pointed out that African-American women have rarely had the opportunit­y to prioritise motherhood. Economic necessity has meant generation­s of black women have had to work outside the home.

Black feminists also noted that positive images of black mothers are largely absent in popular culture. Thus, when Obama prioritise­d the well-being of her African-American daughters, she rejected the negative stereotype­s attached to black motherhood.

Obama’s prioritisa­tion of motherhood, including her concern for the nation’s children, can be seen as part of the African-American tradition of “othermothe­ring.” According to Patricia Hill Collins, othermothe­ring is a practice through which black women assume responsibi­lity for children who are not their own. Black women who serve as othermothe­rs understand their work as extending beyond the community’s children. They see their work in relation to the welfare of the community as a whole.

Additional­ly, in black communitie­s, the family serves as an important refuge for African-Americans living in a racist world. It serves a political function, allowing black women to nurture and protect their families and themselves.

When Obama prioritise­d the well-being of her daughters while also extending her maternal concern to the children of the nation, she appealed to a politicise­d version of motherhood grounded in an African-American tradition of community care.

As Obama’s tenure as first lady ends, white feminists’ critiques of Obama’s maternal persona have quieted. Perhaps this is a sign of respect, or of not wanting to criticise a popular first lady at the end of her term. Or perhaps, it is a sign that Obama has brought an African-American understand­ing of motherhood to a wider audience, shifting the meaning of motherhood on the public stage.

It is a vision of motherhood Hillary Clinton appreciate­d and embraced. In her 2016 DNC speech, Clinton noted, “First Lady Michelle Obama reminded us that our children are watching, and the president we elect is going to be their president, too.”

As we move forward, we can anticipate women will continue to appeal to motherhood on the public stage and the meanings of those appeals will have been profoundly affected by Michelle’s eight years as US first lady and mom-in-chief. — The Conversati­on

 ??  ?? MICHELLE OBAMA
MICHELLE OBAMA

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from South Africa