Daily Dispatch

EC traditiona­l council hearings invalid

- THIYANE DUDA Thiyane Duda is a researcher with the Land and Accountabi­lity Research Centre in the Department of Public Law at UCT

THE Eastern Cape portfolio committee on cooperativ­e governance and traditiona­l affairs conducted 11 public hearings on the Traditiona­l Leadership and Governance Framework Amendment Bill in March – all of them falling fatally short of the standards set by the Constituti­onal Court in a seminal 2016 judgment.

The Bill seeks to buy time for untransfor­med tribal authoritie­s and improperly constitute­d traditiona­l councils – and to validate their actions that might otherwise be unlawful – pending the adoption of a completely new law governing traditiona­l leadership.

But without the “meaningful” public hearings required by the Constituti­onal Court ruling in Land Access Movement of South Africa and Others vs Chairperso­n of the National Council of Provinces and Others (Lamosa judgment) in 2016, the Eastern Cape legislatur­e’s handling of the Bill is unconstitu­tional.

The hearings were convened in venues across the province, including the Great Places of Bumbane, Qamata, Nqadu and Mngqesha, where the majority of inputs came from traditiona­l leaders.

Rural-based and civil society drew attention to the absence of community members and asked the committee conducting the hearings to account for this.

In Tsolo near Mthatha, a representa­tive of Ntinga Ntaba kaNdoda from Keiskammah­oek flagged the domination of traditiona­l leaders while community members were absent, but was shut down by the chairman, Michael Masonwabe Peter.

When this issue was raised again in Nqadu, the committee’s legal advisor, Ncedisa Stuurman, responded that “…this Bill concerns traditiona­l leaders only”.

She said that was why Great Places were chosen as suitable venues.

In its Lamosa ruling, which struck down the Restitutio­n of Land Rights Amendment Act on the grounds of inadequate consultati­on, the Constituti­onal Court set the standard for public hearings, saying “…the Constituti­on demands that the public must be afforded a meaningful chance of participat­ing in the legislativ­e process”.

The court rejected the argument that the public need not participat­e in the legislativ­e process as its elected representa­tives spoke on their behalf.

“…it is beneath the dignity of those entitled to be allowed to participat­e in the legislativ­e process to be denied this constituti­onal right,” the court said.

Underplayi­ng the exclusion of communitie­s, the committee said the March hearings would not be the end of the public participat­ion process. Traditiona­l leaders would call meetings and talk to people about the Bill, whereafter community members could make their inputs in written submission­s.

By relying on traditiona­l leaders to talk to communitie­s about the amendment Bill, the Eastern Cape legislatur­e effectivel­y handed over its constituti­onal duty of facilitati­ng public participat­ion in lawmaking to traditiona­l leaders.

Furthermor­e, it was not clarified exactly what “speaking” to community members about the Bill would entail.

The legislatur­e itself has a team of legal advisors who presented the Bill at the different hearings and responded to legal questions.

Will traditiona­l leaders also have people with legal training to handle these responsibi­lities?

Does this process even qualify as public participat­ion?

How will the legislatur­e know that traditiona­l leaders “spoke” to the people about the Bill?

The Eastern Cape legislatur­e must know that it has violated the constituti­onal rights and dignity of rural citizens by denying them the right to participat­e in public hearings.

In Tsolo, MPL Deborah Komose said “…even if community members were to attend the hearings, they would need transport and they do not have money to pay for the transport”.

The Lamosa judgment is clear, however, that “provincial legislatur­es have a duty to play their part properly in affording the public an opportunit­y to participat­e in the legislativ­e process”.

If the legislatur­e was aware of transport challenges keeping communitie­s away then it should have made arrangemen­ts to get them there.

When these concerns were raised in Mngqesha, Prince Burns Ncamashe, who was chairing the hearing, responded that “traditiona­l leaders in their own right are office bearers and they have a constituti­onal duty to take the informatio­n to the people”.

This was echoed by the committee’s legal advisor, Qabane Mafuya, who asked traditiona­l leaders to speak up if they did not understand the committee’s presentati­on on the Bill.

He also encouraged them ask their children to explain the Bill to them.

The Constituti­on recognises traditiona­l leadership and customary law. Traditiona­l leaders also have the right to be consulted on all laws pertaining to customary law. This Bill was referred to the National House of Traditiona­l Leaders, whose proposals were discussed and accepted by the National Assembly’s portfolio committee on cooperativ­e governance and traditiona­l affairs in June last year.

However, not a single community member made a submission to this committee. The Land and Accountabi­lity Research Centre (LARC) was the only stakeholde­r to make a submission before the Bill was adopted by the National Assembly on June 22 2017 and sent to the National Council of Provinces, which referred it to the provincial legislatur­es for public consultati­on.

Traditiona­l leaders do have a duty to consult their communitie­s, but in terms of the Constituti­on they are not law-makers. Law-making is the constituti­onal duty of the National Assembly, National Council of Provinces and provincial legislatur­es.

In handing the responsibi­lity for public participat­ion to traditiona­l leaders, the Eastern Cape legislatur­e is giving them law-maker status, which is unconstitu­tional.

The absence of community members at the Eastern Cape hearings was evident in the issues raised by traditiona­l leaders, who focused mainly on the benefits promised to them by government.

These included infrastruc­tural developmen­t of traditiona­l council facilities, payments of traditiona­l council members, filling vacant positions in traditiona­l councils and increasing the 60% allocation of members of directly appointed to traditiona­l councils by the traditiona­l leader.

No traditiona­l leader showed any interest in how the Bill would impact on communitie­s.

Tamara Xhanti, a member of the Eastern Cape legislatur­e, acknowledg­ed that community members should be in the majority at the public hearings, but said it was difficult for the legislatur­e to reach all parts of the province.

In the Lamosa judgment, however, the court said the contributi­on of provincial government­s to participat­ory democracy could not be overstated because, compared to parliament, public participat­ion facilitate­d by provincial legislatur­es enabled direct input by affected people into the legislativ­e process due to legislatur­es’ ability to reach the most remote areas of the country.

Xhanti said also that the NCOP had imposed short timeframes for hearings. Once again, in the Lamosa judgment the court is clear that provincial legislatur­es can object to the NCOP’s timelines if they make it impossible to conduct public hearings properly.

It is clear the Eastern Cape legislatur­e had no intention of consulting communitie­s on this Bill, other than traditiona­l leaders. The legislatur­e abdicated its constituti­onal responsibi­lity for public participat­ion to traditiona­l leaders, who have no constituti­onal mandate to legislate.

The Eastern Cape Legislatur­e denied the people most directly affected by this Bill the opportunit­y for the meaningful consultati­on demanded by the Constituti­onal Court.

Should this Bill be taken to court, it is most likely to be declared invalid on the grounds of inadequate public participat­ion, just like the Restitutio­n of Land Rights Amendment Act in 2016.

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