Daily Dispatch

NSFAS BUILT ON THE BACK OF A CULTURE OF NON-REPAYMENT

- Jonathan Jansen Professor Jonathan Jansen is former UFS vice-chancellor

How is it possible to ask future students to pay back their loans when thousands haven’t, asks Professor Jonathan Jansen

When one of South Africa’s most distinguis­hed executives, Sizwe Nxasana, resigned as chair of the board of the National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS) because of “extreme pressure” on the system, the only question many observers of the scheme had was: “What took you so long?”

NSFAS is a monster that can destroy the reputation of any good person. It remains the single most important embarrassm­ent in the management of higher education since democracy.

Unfortunat­ely, the critical lessons to be learnt from the NSFAS debacle are often lost in emotive stories about hungry students sleeping in toilets because monies from the scheme had not yet been paid out.

NSFAS was poorly conceived. The basic idea was, as usual, a good one. Who could argue against a loan/bursary scheme to support poor students on grounds that once employed they pay back some or all of the money so that it circulates back into the system to support successive generation­s of students?

But first, you have to get them to pay back the money in a country and a culture where even the former first citizen, President Jacob Zuma, had to be compelled by the courts to do exactly that.

Problem is NSFAS operated a debt recovery system based on goodwill and trust rather than effective systems of recouping state funds. Few paid back.

Last year NSFAS moved from pleading to issuing “stern warnings” for students to return the money. The scheme was running after 467,281 debtors to return about R20bn. A fraction of that amount came in. Eventually, NSFAS gave up trying.

Then, to make matters worse, Number One decided on December 16 2016 to announce free higher education – just ahead of the ANC’s elective conference.

You did not need a module in political science to see through this last-gasp attempt to influence party elections in favour of his former wife. She wins, the then president was likely to stay out of prison. She loses, orange jumpsuits were a real possibilit­y.

In the process, the announceme­nt transferre­d NSFAS from the general hospital ward straight into ICU. Applicatio­ns skyrockete­d from the usual 200 - to 250,000 prospectiv­e students to more than 600,000 seeking funding. Those who had given up on studies reapplied.

NSFAS found itself managing the old loan book (they were told that students registered before this new deal still had to pay back monies) and implementi­ng free higher education. NSFAS, managing R21bn debt for 400,000 students, effectivel­y collapsed under the weight of the new administra­tive demands.

The announceme­nt came a mere two weeks before the release of the Grade 12 results and another two weeks before many campuses reopened. It did not help that one of the opposition parties encouraged students to show up at universiti­es in their numbers.

Predictabl­y, a storm of protests started on campuses around the country as students complained they had not yet received their payouts. University administra­tors scrambled in the face of a cash-flow crisis as they waited for government to make the allocation­s in line with the promise of free higher education.

A student at an Eastern Cape university earlier received a whopping R14m in her personal bank account and, unbelievab­ly, went on a shopping spree. Meanwhile media houses printed front page stories of desperate students with unresolved debt on their campuses and no money for food.

Students started to demand that CEO, Steven Zwane, and also the board chair, Nxasana, step down. The new Minister of Higher Education had no choice but to suspend NSFAS activities until the mess with current applicatio­ns was cleaned up before 2019 applicatio­ns could be considered. The NSFAS board would also be dissolved and the scheme would be run by an administra­tor.

Truth is, these actions might relieve immediate political pressure but will not change anything unless NSFAS itself is fundamenta­lly restructur­ed.

What are the lessons from the NSFAS debacle?

First, when a system of handing out government money is poorly conceived it is very difficult to rebuild. You cannot in SA start with a broken debt recovery system that lets tens of thousands of students off the hook, and then suddenly demand that incoming students pay back their fair share. It is not going to happen.

That is why the income contingent loan system proposed by the Heher Commission set up by Zuma to investigat­e the possibilit­y of free higher education, is dead in the water. How do you now get students whose families earn more than the R350,000 to pay back their share of loaned funds on employment? A culture of non-payment has set in and the scheme is shown the middle finger with all kinds of opportunis­tic arguments such as black graduate tax.

Should debt recovery be handed over to Sars, there might be some hope for restoring a functionin­g system but the horse has already bolted from the NSFAS barn.

Second, a centralise­d system of managing something as complex as NSFAS for 26 public universiti­es and 50 TVET colleges was never going to work. The previous minister of higher education and training was obsessed with Soviet-style centralisa­tion of public functions. Well, look at the mess. Many (not all) universiti­es have systems and capacity to manage student fund allocation­s for the relatively small numbers on each campus. Where this is lacking, build that capacity.

TVET colleges are effectivel­y under government control. Continue to keep them under a centralise­d NSFAS but over a five-year period capacitate those colleges to also manage NSFAS applicatio­ns and allocation­s at local level.

Then, whether for colleges of universiti­es, put in place watertight systems to prevent corruption and act swiftly to put criminals behind bars. Unless there are strong measures of accountabi­lity built into the funding system at all levels, it provides exactly the kind of vulnerabil­ities that undermine an efficient system of student funding in the present and a sustainabl­e mechanism for ensuring adequate financing for students in the future.

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