Daily Maverick

David Mahlobo is as slippery as an eel in a bucketful of soap

A look at the life and crimes of the deputy minister of water and sanitation, who is number 13 on the ANC’S election list despite having been red-flagged by the party’s Integrity Commission. By

- Marianne Thamm

In May 2014, Mbangiseni David Mahlobo was catapulted from Mpumalanga’s co-operative governance and traditiona­l affairs department into the hottest seat in the country as minister of state security.

He was 42 at the time, had studied biochemist­ry and had also worked in the Department of Water Affairs and Forestry. Former president Jacob Zuma appointed Mahlobo, who went on to serve Msholozi personally through the peak years of State Capture.

By the time Mahlobo was summoned to testify at the Zondo Commission, he had already been accused, alongside State Security Agency (SSA) head Arthur Fraser, of participat­ing in the developmen­t of a shadow state.

Pivotal moments in Zuma’s capture of the levers of power included issuing an unconstitu­tional proclamati­on collapsing the country’s intelligen­ce services into one, as well as halting an investigat­ion into the Gupta family by his earlier spy chiefs.

After these changes, members of the SSA had to swear allegiance to Zuma personally, as well as recognise the authority of the minister of state security.

Before this, employees had taken an oath of allegiance to the Constituti­on and the agency itself.

Under Zuma there was a doctrinal shift from national security to state security, resulting in the SSA’S involvemen­t in the political activities of the ANC.

In his June 2022 report, Chief Justice Raymond Zondo said that “the evidence suggests that this commission may not in fact have been necessary if the SSA detected, fully investigat­ed and countered State Capture as a threat to our constituti­onal order when the symptoms first appeared”.

Evidence against Mahlobo was ‘overwhelmi­ng’

The Zondo Commission also found that the weight of evidence of Mahlobo’s involvemen­t in moving “huge” amounts of cash “is overwhelmi­ng” and that this outlay was “fast and loose, as was the frequent blurring of lines between projects”.

Mahlobo, on the evidence before the commission, said Zondo, not only involved himself in operations but also directed them.

“The commission finds therefore that Mr Mahlobo did indeed involve himself in operationa­l matters at the SSA, and further that large amounts of cash were delivered to him on several occasions.”

Since Mahlobo had denied receiving the cash, “as testified to by a number of witnesses”, then, “if it were to be establishe­d in a court that large amounts of cash were given to Mr Mahlobo, it would mean that he stole the money”.

Preliminar­y analysis of evidence given about the SSA, said Zondo in his report, indicated “gross non-compliance with operationa­l and financial directives, especially in the establishm­ent of covert projects and the creation of special-purpose vehicles to siphon funds”.

This cost the state about R1.5-billion between 2012 and 2018.

The High-level Review Panel on the State Security Agency, appointed by President Cyril Ramaphosa in June 2018 and chaired by his current security adviser, Sydney Mufamadi, also found enough informatio­n implicatin­g Mahlobo.

“There was more than enough informatio­n before the panel that the then minister [of state security], in particular, involved himself directly in [SSA] operations,” the panel noted.

It reported that it had interviewe­d a member of the SSA “who had previously served in the minister’s office during his time as minister of state security, who confirmed to the panel that he had, from time to time, been asked by a member of SO [special operations] to pass parcels containing cash to the minister”.

Radical transparen­cy

Writing for the non-profit organisati­on Corruption Watch, Professor Jane Duncan noted that the Zondo report was “a globally significan­t example of radical transparen­cy around intelligen­ce abuses”.

However, it lacked the detailed findings and recommenda­tions to enable speedy prosecutio­ns, she added.

It also failed to address the “broader threats to democracy posed by unaccounta­ble intelligen­ce”, she said.

Duncan was also a member of the review panel.

Mahlobo was alleged to have signed receipts for about R80-million in cash from the SSA between 2015 and 2017. He has denied that he personally received payments or authorised projects.

Another slippery eel is the former head of the special operations unit, Thulani Dlomo, who is also still footloose and fancy-free.

‘There is no paper trail’

Mahlobo told the Zondo Commission that the only time he had intervened in the operations of the SSA was when the budgets appeared to be “out of control”.

He said official records of the secret service account did not reflect the true nature of the operations, which were only known to the project manager and the team of assets because all projects took place on a “needto-know basis”.

Asked at the time by evidence leader advocate Paul Pretorius whether there were any documents at all that reflected the “true operations”, Mahlobo kicked the can down the road to the SSA’S then accounting officer, who would have been Fraser, to perhaps deal with later, or never at all.

“You are not saying they have been falsified. You are saying the full detail would not be reflected in the official records?” probed Pretorius.

“There is no evidence, no paper trail,” Mahlobo replied.

Still on the lists

Now, in spite of being red-flagged by the ANC’S Integrity Commission, Mahlobo has made it to the party’s election list, alongside faithful Zuma minions such as erstwhile minister of home affairs and of finance, Malusi Gigaba, and former deputy minister of state security Zizi Kodwa.

Mahlobo came in at a lucky number 13, whereas Kodwa is at 25 and Gigaba at 27.

Cedric Frolick MP, who served as National Assembly House chair for committees from 2014 to 2019 and was fingered in the Bosasa corruption matter, was dropped.

The senior comrades had not yet appeared before the Integrity Commission and the party said that none had yet been charged, so the “step aside” rule still applied.

So there they are.

Friends with benefits

In 2016, Mahlobo was photograph­ed at a Mbombela massage parlour and spa owned by self-confessed criminal Guan Jian Guang.

Guang, in an Al Jazeera documentar­y, The Poachers Pipeline, confessed to bribing South African justice and immigratio­n officials and that he was closely associated with Mahlobo, who was in fact a home guest.

Mahlobo at the time threatened to bring a defamation case against Al Jazeera, but it appears these threats were idle.

A purported investigat­ion by Berning Ntlemeza, then the head of the Directorat­e for Priority Crime Investigat­ion (the Hawks), of course came to naught.

It was also Mahlobo who brought news to Zuma that his wife, Nompumelel­o Ntuli Zuma, had tried to poison him. As a result, she was banished with their children from Nkandla.

The National Prosecutin­g Authority later found no evidence of the alleged attempted murder of the country’s leader and refused to prosecute Zuma’s ex-wife.

Infiltrati­on of civil society

Duncan said that a shortcomin­g in the Zondo Commission had been infiltrati­on and surveillan­ce of civil society, and the SSA’S broader threat to democracy.

Mahlobo is currently the deputy minister of water and sanitation, and continues to show his face around the country without fear or shame.

He is a self-confessed Russophile who has travelled often to Putin’s dreamland.

However, the recent arrest of speaker Nosiviwe Mapisa-nqakula on charges of money laundering and corruption should send a chill up what remains of Mahlobo’s spine.

Meanwhile, there is he is, high up on the “renewed” ANC’S party list.

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 ?? ?? David Mahlobo at the start of a Cabinet lekgotla at Sefako Makgatho Presidenti­al
Guest House in Pretoria on 1 February. Photo: Frennie Shivambu/ Gallo Images
David Mahlobo at the start of a Cabinet lekgotla at Sefako Makgatho Presidenti­al Guest House in Pretoria on 1 February. Photo: Frennie Shivambu/ Gallo Images
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