We need to talk about Grace:
ZIMBABWE is the first country in southern Africa to have a post-independence coup. The military has taken control of the capital Harare, with tanks and troops stationed around the city. Its army generals officially announced about 4am local time on Wednesday that President Robert Mugabe and his family “are safe and sound and their security is guaranteed”.
While General Constantine Chiwenga insists it is not a military takeover, “safe and secure”, for those of us who study African politics, is also code for secured.
This effectively means that the first family is now under some type of arrest and those closest to first lady Grace Mugabe, who until the takeover appeared to be in charge in the ruling party, have been arrested for attempting to recolonise the country and undermining the revolution.
This type of coup is called a “guardian coup”. The army, at least for now, claims that it has no intention of staying in power longer than is needed to restore order. It remains unclear what “restoring order” means.
At the heart of Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis is the survival of the long-term ruling party Zanu-PF.
In my work, I have argued that Zanu-PF survived in part because, as the country’s political and economic stability declined over the last decade, nearly a quarter of the adult population emigrated – leaving no one to challenge the ruling party. A weakening opposition facing a very strong, stable Zanu-PF made change unlikely.
However, recently Zanu-PF has fractured and destabilised. Why?
One person whose motives are central to the crisis is Grace Mugabe.
Since the last election in 2013, and under Grace Mugabe’s leadership, Zanu-PF expelled key party members, including former vice president Emmerson Mnangagwa – which appears to have triggered the army’s intervention.
For months, the capital has been rife with rumours about the deteriorating relationship between Mnangagwa and the Mugabe family. In October, after Mnangagwa fell ill at a Zanu-PF function, the first lady and president were forced to deny public allegations that they had poisoned him.
But at the same time, Grace Mugabe began campaigning for Mnangagwa’s ousting. Zanu-PF was set to hold its annual congress sometime before the end of year. There, many speculated, Mnangagwa’s firing would be the central event – and Grace Mugabe would be named vice president.
Grace Mugabe clearly wanted more power. In the last months, she suggested that the Zanu-PF constitution should be amended to mandate that one of the two vice presidents should be a woman.
On November 5, she asked a crowd of churchgoers: “Would it be so wrong if I was elected?” and said: “Give me the job and see if I fail.” Women in Zimbabwe continue to struggle for a political voice.
An avalanche of sexist attacks and misogynist attacks on the first lady – from men in the ruling and opposition factions – has earned her a loyal follow- ing, despite the fact that, unlike her husband, she is brusque and to the point.
In a private Facebook group of more than 30 000 Zimbabwean women, those loyal to Grace Mugabe often comment that she is daring and hard-working – and argue that these traits intimidate men in politics who resort to attacks. In response, others argue that as a woman she should focus