Positions of power

IHAVE no problem in recognising the ANC as a major role-player in our struggle for democracy. The great Madiba, in his publicly expressed willingness to die for freedom, prevented what could have been a bloodbath before liberation. Ironically, the bloodbath is occurring now that we are free.

Let us engage with some misconceptions. The ANC has no monopoly on suffering. This flawed assumption seems to justify its claim that it will rule “until Jesus comes”.

That it is in the majority and decides who holds office is not contested.

My appeal is for it to understand that the constitution prevents discrimination or exclusion on racial, religious, cultural, gender or any other grounds.

It doesn’t follow that the soldiers of liberation – and we venerate their bravery and suffering – are automatically the statesmen of the nation.

The skills that achieved liberation are not concomitant skills for running a state.

We cannot assume that incarceration on Robben Island is an exclusive precondition for a fat government job.

Our differences, (based almost exclusively on race and gender), are often celebrated as diversity, in politico-speak.

But we do not reflect those varieties of attitudes and skills in applying ourselves to real problems.

Black is not a position of exclusivity in the way that whites claimed before (and, sadly, still do). We need to redefine ourselves as South African. Pigmentation should be of no consequence.

Skill and experience should be the chief criteria for appointment to positions of power.

Njabulo Ndebele warned us in 1983 to “redefine our relevances”. We didn’t listen. We still claim race as the only reason for specific action. So we hear: but I am white. Or: I am black and it’s my turn now.

This is mere role-reversal of discrimination on the basis of skin colour.

My own lived experience at this stage is crucial. I returned to post-graduate study after retirement in 1995. My studies included colonialism and its strategies of implementation. Also, post-colonialism as reflected in the narratives that black writers undertook as a strategy of restitution.

This led to my appointment at a local university.

I never understood the reluctance with which my newly acquired critical filter was received. My recommendations for “other” texts were seen as an assault on European/ white writing.

It seemed that I wanted to replace Shakespeare with black text.

More than 20 years later, they have arrived at a muscular engagement in the decolonising discourse.

Sadly, many of them have little or no pre-requisite run-up for this exercise.

The personages at my campus who are driving this exercise for change are like the ANC. Expertise cannot be assumed. It is acquired.

In both instances, the skill for governance and re-education requires training and patience. My appeal for a re-think is to both.

– actabisher@gmail.com