Financial Mail

Kitchen open for the power-hungry

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f South Africans could ever be accused of thinking philosophi­cally about politics, they would probably best be defined as Manichaean — prone to simplistic­ally dividing everything into good or evil. There are no shades of grey in this uncomplica­ted world — just light or dark, love or hate, cops or robbers.

For much of SA’s history, it was easy to take this view. After all, the National Party’s apartheid policy was so obviously immoral that it was inevitable that those opposed to it were instantly classifiab­le as virtuous. It was uncontrove­rsial.

This attitude extended into the writing of our constituti­on, which gave the president great and — as we know now — excessive powers to appoint heads of key institutio­ns.

Perhaps it was naive, but as former constituti­onal court justice Zak Yacoob admitted recently, the notion that an ANC president of the country (as Nelson Mandela was) could be corrupt was just not contemplat­ed.

But that was a time of heady idealism. Elsewhere in the world, more mature democracie­s have, over the years, tended to develop political cultures more pragmatica­lly Machiavell­ian — consistent with the understand­ing that a politician is a politician, when all is said and done.

In SA, the real political contest is not between parties, because the ANC is so dominant, but within the ruling party itself.

Once we understand that, we tend to leap to identify the ANC’s “good guys” and its “bad guys”. So, we decide that President Jacob Zuma and his backers are “bad”, because of Nkandla, the Guptas, the spy tapes . . . we could go on. Conversely, it follows that those who have publicly criticised Zuma must necessaril­y be “good”.

All it takes to determine a path of moral virtue is to decide who is in which camp.

Many in the country who apply this thinking believed that ANC secretaryg­eneral Gwede Mantashe was on side of the angels when he called a few weeks back for those who’d experience­d the influence of the Gupta family to come forward.

Mantashe was seen as embarking on gathering evidence which would ultimately lead to Zuma’s position becoming untenable.

IThis illusion was rudely shattered when Mantashe revealed that actually, his “state capture” probe had gone exactly nowhere. Despite numerous people publicly testifying to the terrifying influence of the Gupta family in the country’s government, Mantashe claims there was not enough evidence to take further action. As it happened, only one person, former government communicat­ions boss Themba Maseko, made a formal written statement about the interferen­ce of the Guptas in state institutio­ns. In all, eight people told Mantashe’s inquiry about their experience.

But the excuse that all there was to go on was Maseko’s lone written statement is far too coy: Mantashe indisputab­ly knew the reality was far wider than that. After all, no less a person than deputy finance minister Mcebisi Jonas had made a public statement that he had been offered a promotion by the Guptas. So too did Vytjie Mentor.

For Mantashe to bizarrely exclude their public testimony from his “probe” is tantamount to declaring them liars. So much for Mantashe’s declaratio­n that he’d protect Jonas and get to the bottom of these claims. He says now that if you have a problem, go to the police — a route of resolution likely to go absolutely nowhere, considerin­g the police department falls under Zuma’s firepool defender-in-chief Nathi Nhleko.

If Mantashe ever was one of the “good guys”, he has surely been smoothly outmanoeuv­red by his boss. This collapsed “inquiry” smacks of yet another convoluted effort to protect the last remnants of honour the president might still have. Mantashe has been sent packing, his influence in the party now heavily diminished.

But perhaps the crumbled “state capture” probe should reinforce that, when it comes to politics, the Manichaean lines of good and evil weren’t a particular­ly illuminati­ng construct in the first place. After all, the ANC of today is a modern political party in which there aren’t really good guys and bad guys, but more of a ceaseless jockeying between certain individual­s and groups for position.

Crucially, now that even one of the supposed “good guys” has been unable to ensure accountabi­lity, the floodgates will surely have opened.

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