Reconciliation fades
Once, the word reconciliation reverberated through the length and breadth of South Africa, with the Rainbow Nation defined as an integral part of nation building. Rainbow Nation euphoria was received with mixed feelings. Some dismissed it as utopia which does not find expression in the South African political lexicon.
Others said reconciliation was the cornerstone of nation building.
It was perceived as a tool to unite South Africans across the spectrum. Speeches delivered by politicians were in the main reconciliatory, advocating the breaking down of artificial racial boundaries. Protagonists in the political mainstream encouraged their constituencies to embrace the concept and almost everyone hoped for the best.
However, cynics expressed their reservations about the country’s prosperity, citing factors such as the advent of race conscious policies.
White paranoia ballooned and many migrated into Europe and other parts of the world seeking greener pastures. Black professionals followed suit, citing international exposure and better pay. They said the apartheid wage/ salary structure inherited by the democratic dispensation - and which is still intact – was insulting.
The post 1994 euphoria bestowed upon South Africa the status of a beacon of hope on the African content. Reconciliation may have helped allay the fears of white people, and demystify apartheid’s “swart gevaar” propaganda. It may also have helped neutralise white right-wing securocrats with the military capability to frustrate transitionary processes. Clandestine right-wing military manoeuvres failed to inspire insurrection. Under the radar, their ability to garner support was curtailed.
The apartheid regime was not defeated militarily. It was paralysed through a combination of other forms of struggle and as a result it could not govern the country.
The youth generation of the 1980s in particular played a cardinal role in rendering the apartheid state ineffective, resulting in a political stalemate that led to a negotiated settlement. Apartheid's top securocrat command structure (army, police, intelligence) was compelled through a negotiated settlement to phase out its grip on the levers of power.
Ironically, apartheid’s top earners benefited dearly from the new system. Some were supposed to have been prosecuted but were left off the hook. Documented evidence points to grounds for prosecution and conviction. Inaction by the authorities incensed then NPA head, advocate Vusi Pikoli, and many ordinary people. A bitter pill had to be swallowed for the sake of reconciliation.
Disturbingly, not all apartheid operatives made full disclosures on their heinous and horrendous acts. Intelligence information implicating some apartheid agents could not be verified due to the complex nature of the South African transitional process. The TRC did an excellent job under trying circumstances, but due to pressure it could not unravel all the underlying factors.
A narrow escape from prosecution could be that if they were to be prosecuted and convicted, they could have unmasked the cover of apartheid moles who operated within liberation movements.
The latter would have caused a national crisis. Peace processes in post-apartheid