Mail & Guardian

Democracy is faltering in Zambia

Evidence of electoral abuse by the country’s ruling party shows how successful South Africa is, by contrast

- John Mukela

Acommon thread seems to run through the rise and fall of Zambia’s governing parties, from Kenneth Kaunda’s liberation juggernaut, the United National Independen­ce Party (Unip), to the current Patriotic Front (PF) led by Edgar Lungu.

Having risen to the summit of political power after being elected, amid euphoric pomp and ceremony, these parties crumbled into political oblivion after being voted out.

Not only did this happen to Unip but also to its successor, the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), led successive­ly by Frederick Chiluba, Levy Mwanawasa and finally Rupiah Banda, before Michael Sata’s PF stole the limelight in 2011.

Today, it is astonishin­g that neither Unip nor the MMD are anywhere near their former glory. In last week’s presidenti­al elections, their candidates managed to garner only a handful of votes, compared with their bigger PF and United Party for National Developmen­t (UPND) rivals.

Could t h e r e b e s i mi l a r i t i e s between Zambia’s electoral trends and those unfolding in South Africa, where the governing ANC suffered a heavy setback in the recent local government elections at the hands of smaller parties?

Could it be that, as in the case of its Zambian counterpar­ts, the ANC’s political dominance is by no means perpetuall­y guaranteed and that, unless it reinvents itself to become more relevant to the expectatio­ns of a more discerning and better informed electorate, its trajectory down the slippery slope to oblivion has already begun?

These questions recall a discussion with South African struggle veteran Albie Sachs, in Lusaka, when he recounted some of the key moments in his career as an activist and legal practition­er.

Together, we visited the modest red brick house at plot 250 Zambezi Road in Lusaka’s Roma suburb where, many years earlier, South African struggle heroes Ray Alexander and Jack Simons had plotted the downfall of the apartheid state.

Later, we visited the nondescrip­t building that had once housed the ANC headquarte­rs, sandwiched between buildings in a shabby service alleyway in downtown Lusaka, where as a much younger journalist I had frequently spoken to Tom Sabina, the ANC spokespers­on.

“The support given by Zambia to the ANC was absolutely vital to the progress that we were able to make,” Sachs said.

“But crucial in Zambia was the fact that we had our headquarte­rs here, we could have our leadership here, we could develop policies here, we could develop internatio­nal relationsh­ips here, and we could have contact with the South African undergroun­d, even with Robben Island, from here. For me, coming back is a political pilgrimage with very deep emotion.”

Reflecting on that discussion, I was forced to consider that, although the ANC could be on a downward spiral, the political tradition within which it was birthed so many years ago is an enduring part of South Africa’s political landscape. It has something to do with the fact that, in South Africa, the chance to vote came to mean so much to the majority of its citizens and was achieved at a heavy price in blood, sweat and tears.

Although the will of the people, expressed in genuine, periodic and credible elections, is a principle now enshrined in modern constituti­ons around the world, its realisatio­n is often elusive.

Zambia holds regular democratic elections. But i n contrast with South Africa (at least so far) those in Zambia who control state institutio­ns and resources — or organised means of bribery and intimidati­on — all too often try to manipulate election processes.

They do this by denying opponents the right to stand for office, blocking them from organising themselves to campaign for votes, restrictin­g their access to the media, preventing the electorate from gaining the knowledge needed to make informed political choices, intimidati­ng voters from making free political choices, and gerrymande­ring election districts to deny equal suffrage.

When these tactics appear insufficie­nt to ensure victory, the perpetrato­rs of fraud often seek to manipulate election day processes by blocking access to polling stations, denying qualified voters the right to cast ballots, arranging for illegal voting in their favour, stuffing ballot boxes, manipulati­ng vote counts, rigging vote tabulation­s,

 ?? Photo: Gianluigi Guercia/AFP ?? Precipice of turmoil: Evidence of election irregulari­ties is clouding the victory of Zambia’s Patriotic Front. By contrast, South Africa’s elections are generally viewed as free, fair and impartial.
Photo: Gianluigi Guercia/AFP Precipice of turmoil: Evidence of election irregulari­ties is clouding the victory of Zambia’s Patriotic Front. By contrast, South Africa’s elections are generally viewed as free, fair and impartial.

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