Mail & Guardian

South Africa’s pension system assessed

The pension system should prioritise the needs of the elderly and working poor

- Wayne Hiller van Rensburg and Rob Rusconi

An assessment of official documents on social security published since the 2002 report of the Committee of Inquiry into a Comprehens­ive System of Social Security for South Africa shows a remarkable level of consistenc­y in the recommenda­tions put forward.

These papers include the 2012 National Developmen­t Plan of the National Planning Commission, and a range of policy papers, financial reviews or budget documents issued by the department of social developmen­t and national treasury.

Agreements across these publicatio­ns have the following broad conclusion­s:

• the constituti­onal mandate to provide access to social protection and the obligation on government to meet this mandate;

• the requiremen­t to consider social protection holistical­ly;

• the role of the private sector, within the framework of government’s responsibi­lity, to contribute to the delivery of social protection;

• the regulatory weakness of the supervisor­y authority responsibl­e for overseeing private provision of retirement saving;

• the inefficien­cy or wastefulne­ss of the structure or vehicles through which private-sector retirement saving is achieved;

• the broad, deep inadequacy of outcomes for participan­ts in privatesec­tor retirement provision; and

• the potential for objectives to be achieved through the progressiv­e implementa­tion of appropriat­e policies.

Where difference­s exist they are largely in the details of the proposed design of the systems intended to deliver on social protection goals, rather than in the objectives themselves. The World Bank has developed a method for describing the elements of a system of provision for old age, which may be summarised as follows:

• Pillar 0: universal or means-tested social pensions, funded from general government revenue;

• Pillar 1: pensions provided on a centralise­d basis, funded by the contributi­ons of participan­ts or their employers and usually with an element of redistribu­tion from highincome to low-income participan­ts;

• Pillar 2: pensions provided on a decentrali­sed basis through privately- managed arrangemen­ts, funded by mandatory contributi­ons of participan­ts or their employers, and more commonly without redistribu­tion;

• Pillar 3: supplement­ary provision through private or occupation­al arrangemen­ts, funded by contributi­ons of participan­ts or their employers that are not mandated by policy;

• Pillar 4: all other means of provisions or typically through non-financial saving vehicles such as property, or through family support structures.

South Africa is part of a small but growing group of countries that provides (nearly) universal old-age pensions funded from government revenue. It thus provides an effective Pillar 0 benefit. It does not, however, provide benefits under Pillar 1 or Pillar 2. Though it has a substantia­l market for occupation­al and individual pension provision, it does not mandate membership of these arrangemen­ts. As a result, the country depends to a disproport­ionate degree on the effectiven­ess of Pillar 3 and Pillar 4.

Perhaps the most important insight of the review of the set of carefully drafted policy papers is the urgency with which problems ought to be addressed. The papers reviewed confirm a number of problems with the existing retirement fund industry, specifical­ly, that:

• the overall outcomes of Pillar 3 are unsatisfac­tory;

• fees and charges are high; • members seldom preserve accumulate­d saving until retirement, contributi­ng heavily to the overall inadequacy of outcomes; and that

• few members select an appropriat­e product at retirement to give themselves the best chance of a comfortabl­e retirement.

While other research confirms the broad effectiven­ess of Pillar 0, little is understood about the effectiven­ess of Pillar 4 mechanisms.

In summary, old age grants for the poor may be criticised on the grounds of financial sustainabi­lity, but a sound body of research confirms the overall effectiven­ess of this vehicle for meeting the needs of the poorest. The system of occupation­al and individual products has significan­t flaws that need to be addressed, but these flaws impact mostly those workers falling into middle- and higher-income groups.

The most important problems with the systems at present are that it wholly excludes those who work in the informal economy and substantia­lly excludes low-income workers in large parts of the formal economy.

This problem is unlikely to be addressed by completing the system as defined by the World Bank descriptio­ns. Mandatory membership and contributi­ons would most certainly not address the needs of those working in the informal economy, because these people would continue to be excluded.

Hope that such an approach would positively impact lower-income employees in the formal economy should be regarded with care, because compulsory contributi­ons to a pension system of any kind could well drive workers and companies currently in the formal sector to its informal counterpar­t.

The wage subsidy may mitigate this possibilit­y, but introducin­g a mandatory contributo­ry system into a fragile labour market is very risky.

A second serious concern with the existing system is that, though it stimulates the financial sector and the private capital markets that benefit from this, concentrat­ion of assets within existing strong institutio­ns is concerning. Not only are fees and charges to customers very high, but investment­s continue to benefit establishe­d participan­ts in the financial services industry.

A final concern raised is that policy is frequently ineffectua­l or downright damaging if it is not supported by an honest assessment of need.

Policymake­rs too often make the mistake of assuming that they know what is best for those affected by their policies. Since these policymake­rs are usually members of the wealthy elite, this creates the risk of a system that misses the primary needs of those whom it seeks to benefit.

Finally, through interviews of a representa­tive sample or profession­ally managed focus groups, efforts should be made to understand:

• the specific experience of individual­s and households from the perspectiv­e of income and expenditur­e management;

• insights on all other survival strategies;

• perception­s on the needs for longterm saving;

• exploratio­n of incentives that might make an inclinatio­n to save for the long term more likely.

This work would not need to be carried out from scratch: substantia­l insights have already been gained from existing research.

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