Zim elections already not credible
Even before the first vote has been cast, it is apparent that the entire affair has been rigged
On July 30, Zimbabweans will elect a new president and, for the first time, Robert Mugabe’s name won’t appear on the ballot. Most poll watchers expect the vote to be peaceful and orderly, at least on a surface level. Given the woefully low bar set by Zimbabwe’s political leadership — which has presided over nearly four decades of violent and brazenly manipulated polls — this could even be the least-worst election in a generation.
It is now less than a week until the polls open. But the actions taken by the new government of Emmerson Mnangagwa have already made a free, fair and credible election impossible. Just last week, for example, the country’s electoral commission — already viewed as a partisan institution that favours the ruling party — changed the position of polling booths so that they are now in full view of officials and political party agents, a move that undermines the secrecy of the ballot.
Mnangagwa, Mugabe’s longtime enforcer and bagman, is the incumbent. He rose to power in November in the aftermath of a military coup, which played out live on national television. Mnangagwa and his cabal of generals-turned-politicians desperately need international approval and political legitimacy. They are anxious to have the mountain of debt owed to the World Bank and other lenders forgiven so they can start borrowing again.
A crude ethos has seemingly developed that a lack of violence somehow equates to a credible election. It does not.
Some international observers appear ready to rubber-stamp the vote, despite rising concerns. The African Union, for example, is hoping for elections to be minimally acceptable, with anything short of widespread violence likely to be given the stamp of approval. One ominous signal: to lead their delegation, the AU has tapped former Ethiopian leader Hailemariam Desalegn, whose party often won elections with 100% of the vote.
The British embassy in the capital Harare is thought to be especially eager to normalise relations with Zimbabwe if the poll is “good enough”.
The United States, Canada, Australia, and the European Union are more sceptical. They collectively argue that Zimbabwe’s standard should not be about merely surpassing its deeply flawed past, but rather about following the country’s Constitution, as well as regional and international standards and norms, including the AU Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance.
Superficially, voting on July 30 will almost certainly appear better than past charades. A new bio-metric voters’ roll has been created and international observers were invited.
In a first for Zimbabwe — and a sign of how low the bar has become — opposition candidates have even been allowed to campaign relatively openly this time around.
But election observers should not be fooled. The lack of blood in the streets does not mean the vote shall reflect the will of the Zimbabwean citizenry.
Here are eight ways that the vote has already been rigged, hacked or stolen:
The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) acts like a hyperpartisan arm of the ruling party, Zanu-PF, and its repeated behaviour has gutted any credibility of the vote. No significant opposition party or civil society organisation — or credible diplomat — has any confidence that the ZEC can manage a fair poll. the computer servers that will tally reports from the field are unknown. Fears are understandable after Kenya’s experience, where its high court annulled an observer-endorsed vote after it was found the election’s computers were hacked.
Zimbabwe’s Constitution and regional guidelines say that all parties should have equal access to the dominant state media. Yet the main newspapers, radio, and TV continue to be blatant propaganda mouthpieces for Zanu-PF.
Zanu-PF agents have systematically spread rumours that fingerprints from voter registration will allow the government to trace individual votes. This is both an effective and chilling threat because citizens — especially those in rural areas — recall 2008, when poll data was used to target violent attacks against opposition supporters. Three hundred people died, and others were beaten, raped and brutalised, and thousands had their homes burned to the ground.
Unknown militants (known locally as “mabhinya”) have suddenly appeared in villages as a blatant attempt to intimidate opposition supporters and voters. When your home has already been burned down once, it only takes a thug shaking a matchbox for people to receive the message.
The army, which ousted Mugabe to install Mnangagwa last year, says it will transport ballot boxes to tallying centres. This is a clear violation of the Constitution and another golden opportunity to manipulate votes. Recent viral videos have shown uniformed soldiers herding citizens to attend Mnangagwa rallies and policemen voting early under the watchful eye of their commanders.
Military leaders have in the past declared that they would only accept a Zanu-PF president. A sitting Cabinet minister recently repeated this claim — and kept his job. A common belief is that the coup-makers did not take such a risk only to hand power to an opposition party eight months later.
Observers have already begun to arrive in Zimbabwe to assess the validity of the vote on July 30.
At this time, segments of the international community appear untroubled by the double standard that flagrantly flawed elections are somehow acceptable in Africa. This is disrespectful and unsustainable. Election observers need to start doing their jobs. Too often, the election cops are letting the election thieves get away or — worse — they are aiding and abetting the theft.
Under the current conditions, it is apparent that a free, fair and credible election is not possible in Zimbabwe.
That so many people across the country — particularly the youth — remain undaunted by these major trials, offers a ray of hope. The world should speak up and stand with them.