The stunning fall from grace of Zimbabwe’s vice-president

A proposed cyber law will muzzle Zambians and restrict the opposition ahead of the elections

In November 2016, Kembo Mohadi visited self-proclaimed prophet Shepherd Bushiri, at Bushiri’s church in South Africa. At the time, Mohadi was Zimbabwe’s state security minister, but his prospects looked bleak: he seemed to be on the wrong side of the bitter race to succeed then-president Robert Mugabe.

But Bushiri had a reassuring message. The religious leader told Mohadi that he would be promoted, and would shortly be wearing a “crown”. He gave Mohadi a white handkerchief, and assured him that the piece of cloth would open new avenues — and provide protection.

“Anytime you see anything happening around you, use that handkerchief to pray,” Bushiri said.

The prophecy was soon fulfilled. Mugabe was toppled by a coup in November 2017. The new president, Emmerson Mnangagwa, appointed Mohadi as one of two vicepresidents. Unlike the other vicepresident, Constantine Chiwenga, Mohadi had no political base of his own; what he offered Mnangagwa was unconditional loyalty, as well as his record as a liberation war hero.

But the white handkerchief appears to have lost its powers in the intervening years. Not only has

Bushiri himself fallen from grace, after being charged with multiple counts of corruption; but this week Mohadi was forced to resign in disgrace after the allegation that he was conducting not one but two extramarital affairs while in office.

The allegations were published by the Zimlive website last week, and were supported by leaked voice recordings between the vice-president and one of his alleged lovers.

In his resignation letter, released on Monday, Mohadi maintained his innocence. “I am a victim of information distortion, voice cloning and sponsored spooking and political sabotage. Digital media, in their hybridity, have been abused by my enemies to blackmail me, but my spirit will never die. Following the recurring disinformation and virilisation of my alleged immoral unions, dispensed through awkward slacktivism, I am stepping down as the vice-president of the Republic of Zimbabwe,” he wrote, adding that he would seek legal recourse.

Zimlive editor Mduduzi Mathuthu stands by his story, and the authenticity of the recordings. “Unfortunately, now that it is a legal matter, we are constrained [from] saying more; suffice to say, when all is revealed, it will become clear that his claims of a political conspiracy by his enemies are just that — hot air,” he told the Mail & Guardian. “He has caused much damage and he must carry his own cross and stop blaming everyone else for his actions.”

Marvelous Khumalo, the spokesperson of Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, said Mohadi’s behaviour did not befit the stature of his office. “His resignation is justified because he embarrassed the nation. But the biggest question is, who is clean of all the members of the Presidium? They should all resign because their moral uprightness is highly questionable.”

Mnangagwa has yet to appoint a replacement for Mohadi.

Zambia’s August 2021 elections are on the horizon. The 2016 polls were closely contested despite widespread irregularities. These have been difficult years for citizens. Even before the Covid-19 pandemic hit, spiralling debt and inflation resulted in rising living costs and contributed to underfunded public services.

Progress in advancing sustainable development is being undermined as a result.

Against this backdrop, we in the opposition United Party for National Development (UPND) expect to face the usual obstacles in our fight for a free and fair election. We will probably face the physical restrictions and obstructions used to prevent our campaigning abilities.

Using the archaic Public Order Act the authorities will probably deny us rally permits, detain our supporters and campaigners without charge and send the police to break up meetings.

As was the case in the recent Ugandan elections, the government can also use the pandemic to justify shutting down opposition and civil society activities.

Opposition voices also have to contend with a government that has consistently opposed the concept of a free media. In April last year, the Patriotic Front regime shut down independent broadcaster Prime TV after the network refused to air government infomercials for free. The government closed the independent Post newspaper ahead of the 2016 elections.

We also face new threats. We now have a fight on our hands for the digital rights of Zambians. Six months ahead of the elections the government wants to resurrect the oppressive Cyber Security and Cyber Crimes Bill in an apparent attempt to muzzle civil society and the opposition.

The bill was shelved last year after an outcry by civil society.

According to the government, the bill, which was approved by the cabinet on February 1, is intended to promote the “responsible use of social media platforms”. But it threatens to erode democracy. If passed, the government will have unrestricted power to listen to people’s conversations without a court order — in particular to citizens who have dissenting views to that of the ruling party.

All electronic communications providers, including internet messaging platforms, will have to provide services that are “capable of rendering real-time and full-time monitoring facilities for the interception of communications”.

Section 27 of the bill establishes the Central Monitoring and Coordination Centre to intercept communications.

The centre will be controlled by the department for government communications.

Civil society organisations have already voiced their concerns about the bill. In a letter signed on behalf of 10 organisations, Chapter One Foundation executive director Linda Kasonde highlights the “dangerous provisions in the bill, including those that “have the potential to facilitate and even enhance the wanton surveillance and censorship of members of public through interception of communications.” For example, section 15 empowers the Zambia Information and Communications Technology Authority (Zicta) to institute investigations upon receiving information regarding an alleged incident or threat.

The bill fails to specify valid sources or define what constitutes a threat. There are also concerns the bill would empower Zicta cyber inspectors to question people, with those refusing to cooperate facing hefty fines of up to 60000 kwacha (about R50 000) and/or imprisonment.

Those found guilty of harassment, another undefined concept, could face fines of 150 0000 kwacha and/ or five years in jail.

As civil society has also pointed out, the bill falls short of several regional and international standards of human rights-aligned laws including the African Union Convention on Cyber Security and Personal Data Protection (Malabo Convention) ratified by Zambia. The UPND shares these concerns.

We and civil society have been able to hold off some attempts to pass regressive and anti-democratic legislation.

Last year we stopped the Constitution Amendment Bill, dubbed Bill No 10, that would have greatly strengthened the hand of an already powerful executive and further increased the government’s ability to contract debt without requiring parliamentary approval.

Bill No 10 required a two-thirds majority to be passed, whereas the cyber bill needs only a majority.

The government’s popularity became even more precarious after the debt default on one of Zambia’s Eurobonds in November and the $17-million healthcare scandal involving the supply of faulty and expired goods. It needs the cyber bill.

The proposed legislation is oppressive and will infringe the dignity and civil liberties of Zambians well beyond the election. It must be stopped.

Internet platforms [must have] services ‘capable of rendering realtime and full-time monitoring’