Cast your vote for change

shrewdly put land on top of its political agenda, its proposed solutions are designed to exacerbate ill-feeling rather than seek rehabilitative solutions.

The DP, plagued by poor leadership, has been disappointing in its attempts to win over doubtful voters, particularly from minority groups. It has run a campaign that has been arrogant in its moral superiority — an easy position when you have not had to bear the burden of government or of “struggle” and negative, attacking its opponents rather than projecting an alternative and distinctive vision. The DP has failed to rise above narrow sectional interests.

The strongest argument in favour of the DP is the need for a strong and trustworthy opposition to balance the likely power of the ANC. Certainly, if one wants to vote on this basis, the DP is the natural choice: resolute in its defence of individual liberties and an outspoken voice against corruption.

However, this is a time when one should vote for government, not for opposition. This is a time to vote for change, to be part of the movement to build a new non-racial national identity.

That movement is represented by the ANC, with 80 years of non-racial, cross-class struggle for democracy and human rights. At this moment, the climax of that battle, it is appropriate to give the ANC a strong mandate to undertake its Reconstruction and Development Programme, without having to buy off sectional interests.

But there are aspects of the ANC that trouble us, particularly in the week when some of its staff have been accused of having detained and abused IFP supporters in the basement of its PWV headquarters, more so when it is becoming apparent that Section 29 detention without trial is being retained. We are also concerned that the ANC has shown too great a willingness to give the security forces unfettered powers and indemnity in Natal’s State of Emergency. This is not a good omen for dealing with political rivals.

We are deeply troubled by some of the people on the ANC lists, in particular corrupt homeland leaders. Putting the likes of Lebowa chief minister Nelson Ramodike on your election list is hardly the way to start an anti-corruption campaign.

And the ANC has shown an unwillingness to act against individuals responsible for human rights abuses or incompetence. Individuals who have been the targets of strong internal ANC criticism — such as umkhonto wesizwe commander Joe Modise, implicated in the abuses in camps in exile, Lindiwe Mabuza, the Washington representative, and

Wally Serote, the highly controversial cultural commissar — have not been disciplined.

We are also troubled that there are some senior ANC people who have a flexible commitment to human rights, and who seem only too willing to accept the argument that such rights may be suspended under the kinds of special circumstances and tough pressures that the new government is likely to face.

Because of this, we will, as a newspaper, be especially vigilant in watching the new government. While we hope the ANC will act more honourably than its predecessors, we will watch it even more closely than we watched the last because we now have higher expectations.

Besides, it is a basic journalistic principle to never entirely trust any government, more so one which has so much hope invested in it.

However, the ANC is the only party that has thrown its weight behind reconstruction and development, and has an extensive plan to achieve it. That plan is not without its flaws, but it is the best one before us as we go to the polls.

It is also the only party that has taken clear and consistently progressive attitudes on most of the important social issues: abortion, the death penalty, affirmative action, gender equality …

South Africa needs a party with the leadership and credibility to unite the nation behind a vision of reconstruction. Only the ANC provides that. —