SA politicians don ’ t rise or fall on their good name
WHY is integrity such a weak currency in African politics in general and South Africa ’ s politics in particular?
Many reasons can be proffered. But the simple answer is weak institutions.
On Tuesday, former US secretary of state Hillary Clinton responded to claims that she had used her personal e-mail for her workrelated correspondence during her stint in that office.
Using her private e-mail was against White House guidelines that require its employees to use the official e-mail accounts.
It is telling that Clinton, who is no longer an incumbent, felt the need to give reasons, that is, to give account for her irregular actions.
Although she is no longer in state office, Clinton has ambitions to be the economic giant ’ s first female president. Plans are under way to launch her presiden- tial campaign in 2016.
Clinton ’ s providing answers says something about how seriously she takes the US electorate, an electorate that has a knack for punishing politicians at the polls.
But, more importantly, it is a reflection on the strength of American institutions. Politicians cannot undermine state institutions or be a law unto themselves with impunity. Institutions are bigger and wield more influence than personalities.
Any person, no matter how powerful, who seeks to be a leader in that democracy, must convince the public that she/he is a person of integrity. And she/he must demonstrate a rever- ence for the country ’ s institutions.
This latest case, as well as numerous accounts of state officials who have stepped down after allegations of misconduct and malfeasance, is evidence that integrity is a very strong currency in the US.
Any credible shadow of doubt about a politician ’ s integrity is cause for the shaking of the political ground under them.
But it is not so in Africa. In Africa, presidents, ministers and popular politicians do not stand or fall on their good name – reputation – or lack thereof.
Post-colonial African political history is replete with examples of leaders who pitted themselves against state institutions and came out on top.
Mobutu Sese Seko of the then Zaire, Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Daniel Arap Moi of Kenya, Milton Obote of Uganda, among others, ensured that institutions were subservient to them. They were above scrutiny from parliament, the judiciary and civil society.
Today the trend continues, and we have only to throw our eyes over the fence to our neighbour Zimbabwe, where President Robert Mugabe continues to loom large over legitimate institutions of democracy.
In the aftermath of the struggle for liberation from colonialism, African politics was preoccupied with personalities and individuals and less thought and energy went into building institutions.
This is why Africa is characterised in the main by weak legislatures, judiciaries and civil societies in relation to executives – offices of the president more specifically.
President Jacob Zuma ’ s evasion of questions surrounding the non-security spending at his Nkandla homestead – the biggest scandal of the many during his career in government – is the bugbear of parliament and the nation in this fifth administration. Until now, apart from forebodings about former president Thabo Mbeki ’ s authoritarian and alienating style of leadership, South Africa ’ s institutions have seemed resilient and strong.
But there have been disconcerting developments. These include the diversion of intelligence resources to fight political battles, questionable appointments in the country ’ s criminal justice and security institutions – the SAPS, NPA and Hawks – in recent years.
The executive ’ s hardening attitude towards the judiciary, the very public attacks on the public protector and non-compliance with the auditor-general ’ s recommendations, are also worrying trends.
The Nkandla debacle and Zuma ’ s administration ’ s response to it on various forums have exposed how the country ’ s executive since Mbeki has worked to weaken institutions.
It is by weakening institutions that Zuma has been able to place himself above the scrutiny of parliament – especially the opposition. It is this weakening that has given his appointees the audacity to override and undermine the pronouncements of oversight bodies.
It is a weakening of institutions that makes integrity a weak currency in SA politics.
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