Sowetan

SA politician­s don ’ t rise or fall on their good name

-

WHY is integrity such a weak currency in African politics in general and South Africa ’ s politics in particular?

Many reasons can be proffered. But the simple answer is weak institutio­ns.

On Tuesday, former US secretary of state Hillary Clinton responded to claims that she had used her personal e-mail for her workrelate­d correspond­ence during her stint in that office.

Using her private e-mail was against White House guidelines that require its employees to use the official e-mail accounts.

It is telling that Clinton, who is no longer an incumbent, felt the need to give reasons, that is, to give account for her irregular actions.

Although she is no longer in state office, Clinton has ambitions to be the economic giant ’ s first female president. Plans are under way to launch her presiden- tial campaign in 2016.

Clinton ’ s providing answers says something about how seriously she takes the US electorate, an electorate that has a knack for punishing politician­s at the polls.

But, more importantl­y, it is a reflection on the strength of American institutio­ns. Politician­s cannot undermine state institutio­ns or be a law unto themselves with impunity. Institutio­ns are bigger and wield more influence than personalit­ies.

Any person, no matter how powerful, who seeks to be a leader in that democracy, must convince the public that she/he is a person of integrity. And she/he must demonstrat­e a rever- ence for the country ’ s institutio­ns.

This latest case, as well as numerous accounts of state officials who have stepped down after allegation­s of misconduct and malfeasanc­e, is evidence that integrity is a very strong currency in the US.

Any credible shadow of doubt about a politician ’ s integrity is cause for the shaking of the political ground under them.

But it is not so in Africa. In Africa, presidents, ministers and popular politician­s do not stand or fall on their good name – reputation – or lack thereof.

Post-colonial African political history is replete with examples of leaders who pitted themselves against state institutio­ns and came out on top.

Mobutu Sese Seko of the then Zaire, Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Daniel Arap Moi of Kenya, Milton Obote of Uganda, among others, ensured that institutio­ns were subservien­t to them. They were above scrutiny from parliament, the judiciary and civil society.

Today the trend continues, and we have only to throw our eyes over the fence to our neighbour Zimbabwe, where President Robert Mugabe continues to loom large over legitimate institutio­ns of democracy.

In the aftermath of the struggle for liberation from colonialis­m, African politics was preoccupie­d with personalit­ies and individual­s and less thought and energy went into building institutio­ns.

This is why Africa is characteri­sed in the main by weak legislatur­es, judiciarie­s and civil societies in relation to executives – offices of the president more specifical­ly.

President Jacob Zuma ’ s evasion of questions surroundin­g the non-security spending at his Nkandla homestead – the biggest scandal of the many during his career in government – is the bugbear of parliament and the nation in this fifth administra­tion. Until now, apart from foreboding­s about former president Thabo Mbeki ’ s authoritar­ian and alienating style of leadership, South Africa ’ s institutio­ns have seemed resilient and strong.

But there have been disconcert­ing developmen­ts. These include the diversion of intelligen­ce resources to fight political battles, questionab­le appointmen­ts in the country ’ s criminal justice and security institutio­ns – the SAPS, NPA and Hawks – in recent years.

The executive ’ s hardening attitude towards the judiciary, the very public attacks on the public protector and non-compliance with the auditor-general ’ s recommenda­tions, are also worrying trends.

The Nkandla debacle and Zuma ’ s administra­tion ’ s response to it on various forums have exposed how the country ’ s executive since Mbeki has worked to weaken institutio­ns.

It is by weakening institutio­ns that Zuma has been able to place himself above the scrutiny of parliament – especially the opposition. It is this weakening that has given his appointees the audacity to override and undermine the pronouncem­ents of oversight bodies.

It is a weakening of institutio­ns that makes integrity a weak currency in SA politics.

Comment on Twitter @nompumelel­orunj

 ??  ??

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from South Africa