Landlocked Lesotho back where it was before February polls
IN MANY respects, Lesotho is exactly where it was before the elections, governed by a loose coalition of five political parties.
Pakalitha Mosisili, leader of the Democratic Congress, returns to the country ’ s helm after three years as leader of the opposition.
Mosisili, who led Lesotho ’ s government for 14 years until 2012, needed the support of four other political parties to attain the 61 seats needed to form a majority in Lesotho ’ s parliament.
The elections were designed to move Lesotho away from the instability and paralysis that so often characterises large coalition governments formed out of necessity rather than desire.
This is particularly relevant for Lesotho, with a constitution that provides minor political parties with immense power through the problematic practice of regular floor-crossing, creating an everlasting sense of instability in governments that have such precarious majorities in parliament.
The snap elections last month, meant to revive Lesotho ’ s failing democracy and government, come in the wake of a suspended parliament and attempted coup in August last year.
Here tensions between coalition partners spilled out into the street between the polarised security forces, forcing the then prime minister Tom Thabane, fearing for his life, to seek refuge in South Africa.
These events warranted the political intervention of the Southern African Development Community which, under the guidance of SA Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa, who convinced Lesotho ’ s leaders that urgent elections were necessary.
The fact that no single party has won the elections outright and that a coalition of five was required to form a majority is indicative of the ideological and political similarity of the parties.
The leaders of the three main political parties all used to belong to the same political party under the leadership of Mosisili at one time or another.
Worrying too is that politics is essentially the only game in town. In a country starved of investment, growth and development, politics offers an opportunity to obtain wealth and influence.
Lesotho is incredibly important to SA and a continued paralysis of government undermines SA ’ s development in two ways.
First, Lesotho is a critical source of water to Gauteng. So much so that any further delays in the construction of the second phase of the Highlands Water Project could severely threaten Gauteng ’ s long-term water supply.
Second, and perhaps more importantly, these developments potentially reflect badly on South Africa.
Both the continent and the international community expect the regional hegemon and economic powerhouse to be able to effectively resolve any tensions that occur in its back yard, particularly given the total economic and social dependence that Lesotho has on South Africa.
An inability to resolve these outcomes undermines South Africa ’ s international image as an African influencer.
Lesotho ’ s economy is small, approximately $2.3billion (about R28.3-billion) – South Africa ’ s is approximately $350-billion (about R4.3-trillion) – and functions largely as a result of the revenues it receives from a very favourable revenue agreement from the regional Customs Union.
This can make up as much as 60% of the country ’ s revenue depending on the year, with a large portion of the remainder coming from remittances from Basotho working in South Africa, predominantly as cheap labour.
This is the crux of the problem facing Lesotho on average 55% of the country ’ s revenue is administered to them, not earned.
This system provides very little incentive for the government to promote growth initiatives of its own. Those who cannot find work in Lesotho go to South Africa.
In the short term, SA will continually help Lesotho in ensuring the state doesn ’ t collapse.
Many of the essential services needed in Lesotho are already provided for in SA. Many Basotho have South African identity documents, allowing them access to social grants and healthcare.
It is often mooted that Lesotho may become South Africa ’ s 10th province – perhaps it already is.
Wilkins is senior consultant at communications consultancy Instinctif Partners
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