Sunday Times

New Brics bank needs to be more than simply anti-West

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THE Brics grouping started out as a political construct. But for it to gain relevance and enhance its global impact, it has to include commerce and industry.

The Brics developmen­t bank, which will now be headquarte­red in Shanghai, is a crucial step in shifting the group from mere political theatre to one with punch in world affairs.

The rise of the major emerging markets — in particular China, India and Brazil — over the past few decades has shifted the global power balances. The Russian recovery from its disastrous sojourn with communism has also seen its resurgence on the global stage. The South African link now brings the increasing­ly important African constituen­cy into the conversati­on.

It also marks a shift in geopolitic­al power. In 1945, when World War 2 ended, the US and Western nations dominated the global economy and also the world’s decision-making bodies. The Group of Seven’s formation in the 1970s, in which the largest economies of the free world at the time promoted their own interests, epitomised this. But over the past three decades, progress in emerging markets led to a number of economies surpassing those of the G7. The Brics nations now boast economies that have surpassed a number of G7 countries. China now has the second-biggest economy in the world after the US and ahead of Japan. Brazil’s economy has surpassed that of the UK.

And yet global decision-making is still dominated by the US and Western hegemony. It is true that there are already a number of developmen­t finance institutio­ns in existence. For example, the IMF and World Bank are at the apex of these institutio­ns, but are dominated by the US. They set the rules. And, when emerging market countries run into trouble, they have to turn to the World Bank and the IMF for funding. This comes with strings attached that include demands for reforms in accordance with the socalled Washington Consensus.

This, of course, generated resentment, especially when politicall­y unpopular austerity is imposed.

At the very least, the new Brics developmen­t bank will enable emerging markets to bypass the World Bank and the IMF. This would signify an important shift in the global power balance between emerging markets and the developed world.

Another risk to the establishe­d world order is the overwhelmi­ng dominance of the US dollar in global trade and commerce. This, again, is a relic of the aftermath of World War 2. But now it is quite possible — some would say even probable — that, over time, the Brics developmen­t bank will shift to another currency in competitio­n with the US dollar. This would also represent a major shift in the global power balance.

Still, the Brics construct would have to develop a better reason for existence than just being anti-West. Being anti-something fails to pro-

Instead of it being a developmen­t finance institutio­n, it could become a sovereign slush fund for unsavoury regimes

vide a reason for existence. The higher purpose of the organisati­on is still lacking, especially considerin­g that cohesion even inside the Brics remains fragile, because the countries do not appear to have that much in common.

The danger for the Brics developmen­t bank is that it could be used merely as a vehicle to gain global influence. After all, what will the bank do differentl­y to the myriad other developmen­t finance institutio­ns?

Merely bypassing the IMF and World Bank is insufficie­nt. If anything, the loan conditiona­lity of the IMF and World Bank are part of their risk-control measures. The reforms that they insist on are meant to improve the circumstan­ces that brought the distressed countries into trouble in the first place.

If the Brics developmen­t bank simply wants to gain favour with less savoury regimes by advancing finance without putting in place risk-mitigation measures, it may well be doomed to failure. Instead of it being a developmen­t finance institutio­n, it will merely be a sovereign slush fund. South Africa can ill-afford to be funding such misadventu­res.

Hart is chief strategist for Investment Solutions

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