Sunday Times

Checks and balances mainly after the fact

-

Dear CW

I am concerned that many highprofil­e and important positions in South Africa made by the president are compromise­d from the start, like the national prosecutio­ns head. What alternativ­es to presidenti­al appointmen­t are there in South Africa and other countries? — Sick of Lapdogs

Dear Sick of Lapdogs,

Your concerns regarding presidenti­al appointmen­ts are valid, and shared by others in most societies.

This very issue came before court in Pakistan in October last year. The Supreme Court was called on to compel the government to constitute a commission to ensure that all future public appointmen­ts were merit-based.

The court found in favour of the government, emphasisin­g deference to the executive’s authority and holding that high-level public appointmen­ts fell within its mandate. Notably, however, the court held that judicial respect for executive decisions could not be inflexible, stating that “it lasts for only as long as the executive makes a manifest and demonstrab­le effort to comply with and remain within the legal limits which circumscri­bes its power”.

This case is an interestin­g prelude to examining whether alternativ­es to presidenti­al appointmen­ts are worth considerin­g in South Africa.

Here, presidenti­al appointmen­ts are prerogativ­e powers that are constituti­onally entrenched in law.

In essence, unless these powers are exercised irrational­ly or unlawfully, the president is empowered by the constituti­on to exercise them how he deems fit. Where exercised irrational­ly or unlawfully, the decision would be ripe for judicial review.

The checks and balances envisaged by our system is the “after the fact” judicial review mechanism, which enables unlawful and irrational decisions to be set aside by our courts.

It is worth mentioning that before certain appointmen­ts are made, the president is required to consult with certain ministers or executive committees. As examples:

Judges and acting judges are appointed by the president on the advice of the Judicial Service Commission; and

The public protector, auditorgen­eral and members of the Human Rights Commission and the Independen­t Electoral Commission are appointed by the president on the recommenda­tion of the National Assembly.

As you have pointed out, there are appointmen­ts that the president is empowered to execute without any ministeria­l or committee influence.

Interestin­gly, the appointmen­t of the national director of public prosecutio­ns is not one of those appointmen­ts. In this case, the president is obliged to make the appointmen­t with the cabinet; the president is not empowered to do so independen­tly.

In light of the above, it appears that South Africa has a constituti­onally entrenched approach to presidenti­al appointmen­ts, which would be difficult to overhaul.

It is still temping to look to alternativ­es in other countries:

The concept of having a commission to approve public appointmen­ts made by the president has proved to be successful in the UK (Commission­er for Public Appointmen­ts), Canada (Public Appointmen­ts Secretaria­t) and India (Appointmen­ts Committee of the Cabinet). However, those commission­s were made pursuant to specific laws and statutes enacted for that purpose;

In Canada, the Federal Accountabi­lity Act, 2006, was enacted by parliament for, among other things, putting in place measures, respecting administra­tive transparen­cy, oversight and accountabi­lity. However, no public appointmen­ts commission has been created to date; and

The US has a transparen­t process of screening appointmen­ts during televised congressio­nal hearings.

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from South Africa