Something wonderful emerges from this terrible time

Despite grim political and economic realities, the past seven days have brought to light signs of hope and correction in the efforts from a wide range of South Africans fighting for the soul of our democracy,

SELDOM has Harold Wilson, the former British prime minister, been proved more correct in his statement that a week is a long time in politics than in the seven days leading up to this past Wednesday.

The previous Wednesday, at two minutes past two in the afternoon, for the first time in many years all political parties in the National Assembly rose and not only applauded but wildly cheered a South African politician.

It would not have mattered to Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan that it was the DA that initiated the cheering and the rest of the opposition that followed, leaving his own ANC to join in last.

The man who, more than any other, stands between South Africa and the embarrassing trauma of a sovereign ratings downgrade delivered a mediumterm budget policy statement that was widely hailed as a much-needed tonic.

Much like Gordhan, who completed his sober address while stun grenades were being fired at protesting students 100m as the crow flies from the National Assembly podium, many good South Africans are keeping the country going through a very precarious time.

Take the efforts to beat back junk status. The disastrous decision by President Jacob Zuma to sack finance minister Nhlanhla Nene in December last year brought the junk-status cliff very close. But business leaders joined the National Treasury in putting the country’s best case to the world, and earned a reprieve from a downgrade many had described as inevitable.

As one of the country’s top businessmen told me at the time: “Do you know why I wasn’t in Davos in January? I was in New York, pleading our country’s case before the bosses of those who were in Davos.”

Where else in the world would you find such commitment?

Take the press conference at which EFF leader Julius Malema declared his organisation’s joining of the battle against junk status. “We will not allow this country to become another story of African failure,” he said.

The EFF has been largely true to its word, despite its own potentially disastrous economic policies and the occasional inexcusable acts of vandalism by its supporters.

Another huge junk status hurdle comes up next month, but, failing further presidential stuff-ups, it is a matter of so far, so good — which is more than anyone would have bet on at the end of last year.

The EFF also coined the helpful term “Zupta” for the shady convergence of interests between the Zuma and Gupta families. It has required a gargantuan effort by brave and persistent individuals in civil society, the legal profession, the DA, the EFF and, increasingly, the ANC to beat back the Zupta tentacles — but it is clear they are on the retreat.

Voters were not left out of the action, either. They sent the ANC packing in four out of eight metros and more than 50 councils countrywide. Thuggery by the ANC in opposition-run council meetings could further erode its support and unite its opposition in what is shaping up to be a watershed general election in 2019.

As vicious is the state capture battle. The Zupta grouping is not giving up without a fight, but the team lining up against state capture includes many of the country’s best people, some working behind the scenes.

More than 80 company CEOs have made themselves heard on state capture. Within the ANC and cabinet, within the governing alliance and the opposition, a balance of power has been created which holds the promise of correction.

A mere week ago South Africa was staring down the barrel of its finance minister facing a spurious court case and many were predicting his political demise — but the hapless national director of public prosecutions, Shaun Abrahams, had to stop his shenanigans and withdraw the charges.

A mere week ago the president and two of his ministers (no strangers to the Guptas either) were trying to prevent findings about state capture by former public protector Thuli Madonsela from reaching the general public — but the court threw out the first of these efforts with such vigour that Zuma backed down rather than face another personal defeat.

Indeed, Madonsela’s cleverly crafted report on state capture, which places agency in the hands of the judiciary, opened the door for an inquiry into the heart of darkness, and added new questions for the powerful to answer, among others about the conduct of Eskom CEO Brian Molefe, long touted as a possible successor to Gordhan.

Grim and dangerous as these times undoubtedly are for South Africa, this country may well be busy correcting its course as we speak — especially if every South African does their part as an active citizen.