Sunday Times

If the people, and not parties, chose representa­tives, the ANC rot would never be returned to power

- BARNEY MTHOMBOTHI

Never in its short history of democracy has SA approached a general election with so many burning issues facing it as is the case at the moment. These are seemingly intractabl­e problems which demand our full attention, all at once. The land question, the spark that launched — and fuelled — resistance to apartheid, has taken centre stage with a few notable upstarts and opportunis­ts suddenly realising that, if sufficient­ly manipulate­d, it could be an effective vehicle to propel them to their political kingdom. It’s an issue that has the potential to nuke the economy and unravel our tenuous democratic dispensati­on. Despite the existence of constituti­onal instrument­s to address the issue, parliament has, in its wisdom, seen fit to tinker with the constituti­on itself to appease a lunatic fringe. It could be a slippery slope.

Corruption has taken on astronomic­al proportion­s. In fact, to call it corruption is to understate the crimes that have been committed and the damage that has done to the country. Treason is more like it. A great cause, for which huge sacrifices were made, has been betrayed. What’s even more infuriatin­g is that these traitors have not been apprehende­d but are roaming free and enjoying the fruits of their ill-gotten gains. Corruption — and crime, its ever-present sibling — is a function of the arrogance of power.

And of course the most burning issue currently is the darkness and gloom that this government has decided to inflict on its citizens. It was more than 10 years ago that the country experience­d its first electricit­y blackouts, and yet amazingly the government was this week still struggling to explain what the problem could be or how long we have to endure this nightmare. We are powerless on so many fronts.

These issues won’t be on the ballot, but they will certainly exercise the minds of electors as they walk into the tranquilit­y of the voting booth. What would astound a visitor from Mars, for instance, would be to hear that the party responsibl­e for these crimes and misdemeano­urs is set to be returned to power with a thumping majority. That doesn’t square with what democracy is supposed to be. In an any other place, a party with that sort of record, especially one that blatantly steals from its people, would be consigned to the political wilderness, never to be returned to power again. And yet, instead of wearing sackcloth and covering himself in ashes as a mark of repentance, President Cyril Ramaphosa, we are told, is almost as popular as Nelson Mandela was at the top of his powers. Instead of embarking on an apology campaign, he’s already on what looks suspicious­ly like a lap of honour, certain that he’ll be given a mandate to rebuild what his party has wilfully destroyed. The ANC’s plunge to purgatory seems complete and yet we’re convinced — despite evidence to the contrary — that they’re the chosen ones to lead us to the promised land.

We want to hold on to something. We want to believe. Which is why the ANC list of its parliament­ary candidates came as a shock to many people who so desperatel­y want to give the party one last chance. It was Ramaphosa’s last opportunit­y to prove his honesty, to show that his message of renewal — that he’s broken with the corrupt and contemptuo­us past — was credible.

What was maddening was that there was not even an attempt to explain this miasma, or what informed it. The fact that it jars with the narrative Ramaphosa has been trying to string since assuming office didn’t seem to matter to them. It was left to the towering intellect of Bathabile Dlamini to help us make sense of it all. It was the will of the people, she opined from faraway New York.

Faith Muthambi, Mosebenzi Zwane and so on, like all other public representa­tives, are not just the face but the soul of the party. They are the ANC. If the parliament­ary representa­tion is chock-a-block with compromise­d individual­s, Ramaphosa has limited scope to choose a group of reputable and incorrupti­ble ministers capable of dealing adequately with all society’s running sores. One cannot expect to draw fresh drinking water from a muddied well.

Ramaphosa’s supporters have been adept at moving the goalposts. Their hero, we were told, could not speak up against state capture when he was deputy president because Jacob Zuma would fire him. Wait until he becomes president, they said. Now we’re told he’s only finishing Zuma’s term and would come into his own after the elections. But the parliament­ary list seems to suggest that Zuma will continue to be the backseat driver even after the elections.

Our fixation with party lists points to a serious flaw in the system. Our political system is not accountabl­e to the unit or cog that’s the foundation­al basis of any democracy: the voter. The people we send to our councils and legislatur­es are not public representa­tives but party representa­tives. They are chosen by their parties.

The electoral system needs to change so that any individual who exercises political power — be it a dog catcher or a president — does so by virtue of direct election by the voters. Should that be the case, parties would be much more responsive to voters’ wishes. Voters would not be simple bystanders as other people or parties decide or destroy their future.

Parties wouldn’t dare put forward patently corrupt individual­s as candidates. They’d be laughed out of court, if not run out of town. Under a more accountabl­e system, it is doubtful whether Zuma would have been elected president, or whether his party would even have dared to put him forward as a candidate.

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